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Henrg m. Sage 





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fiJan7 '48 

APR 19 1966 

■**^.riEiiii»Wi.Sifct,.. ;«„:^ . 

3 1924 071 189 496 


Cornell University 

The original of tiiis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 










A.B. (Harvard), Ph. D. (Johns Hopkins), 

Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University 

Extant Books S6-U (B. 0. 69~U)- 




n i\ 


Troy New Yo&k 




Book Thirty-six 1 

Book Thirty-seven --- 47 

Book Thirty-eight 97 

Book Thirty-nine 155 

Book Forty 203 

Book Forty-one 255 

Book Forty-two 309 

Book Forty-three 357 

Book Forty-four 407 




Metellus subdues Crete by force (chapters 1, 2) .* 

Mithridates and Tigranes renew the war (chapter 3). 

lucuUus does not take advantage of his victory: a successor 
is appointed : he captures Tigranocerta (chapter 4) . 

Arsaces, the Farthian, lends aid to neither party (chapter 5) . 

Lucullus, after a rather disastrous conflict, besieges and cap- 
tures Nisibis (chapters 6-8). 

Meanwhile he loses the Armenias: Fabius is conquered 
(chapters 10, 11). 

Triarius follows Mithridates to Comana; is afterwards over- 
come by him (chapters 12-15) . 

Uprising in lucullus's army: Iffithridates regains everything 
(chapters 16-19). 

Insolence of the pirates (chapters 20-23) . 

The consequent war, in spite of opposition on the part of 
many, is by the Gabinian law entrusted to Fompey and is very 
quickly brought to an end (chapters 23-37) . 

Cornelian laws in regard to canvassing for office and edicts of 
praetors: the Roscian in regard to seats for the knights: the 
Manilian in regard to the voting of freedmen (chapters 38-42) . 

The Mithridatic war by the Manilian law is given in chargfe 
of Fompey (chapters 43, 44). 

Fompey vanquishes Mithridates in a night battle (chapters 

Tigranes, the father, surrenders himself: his son is put in 
chains (chapters 51-53) . 

An attack of the Albani is repulsed (chapter 54) . 


ft. Hortensius, ft. Csecilius Metellus Creticus Coss. (B. C. 69 
= a. u. 685.) 

L. Csecilius Metellus (dies,t then) ft. Marcius Eex alone. 
(B. C. 68 = a. u. 686.) 

M.' Acilius Glabrio, C. Calpumius Fiso. (B. C. 67 = 
a. u. 687.) 

L. Volcatius TuUus, M.' aimilius Lepidus. (B. C. 66 = 
a. u. 688.) 

* As far as chapter 80 this argvunent of Leundavius wiU be found to follow a differ- 
ent division of Book Thirty-six from that adopted by Melber and employed lithe 
present translation. ^ ' 

t His death occurred early in the year. 



The beginning of this book is missing in the MSS. The gist of the 
lost portion may in all probability be gathered from the following 
sentences of Xiphilinus (p. 3, R. Steph.) : 

" When the consuls drew lots, Hortensius obtained the war against 
the Cretans. Because of his fondness, however, for residence in tho 
capital, and because of the courts (in which his influence was only 
second to Cicero's) he voluntarily relinquished the campaign in favor 
of his colleague and himself remained at home. ISdietellus accordingly 
started for Crete . . . 

"Lucius Lucullus at about this period worsted the lords of Asia,^- 
Mithridates and Tigranes the Armenian, — in the war, and having com- 
pelled them to avoid a pitched battle proceeded to besiege Tigranocerta. 
The barbarians did him serious injury by means of their archery as 
well as by the naphtha which they poured over his engines. This 
chemical is full of bitumen and is so fiery that whatever it touches it is 
sure to burn to a cinder, and it can not be extinguished by any liquid. 
As a consequence Tigranes recovered courage and marched forth with an 
army of such huge proportions that he actually laughed heartily at the 
appearance of the Romans present there. He is said to have remarked 
that in cases where they came to make war only a few presented them,- 
selves, but when it was an embassy, many came. However, his amuse- 
ment was of short duration, and he forthwith discovered how far 
courage and skill surpass any mere numbers. Relics of his subsequent 
flight were found by the soldiers in the shape of his tiara and the band 
that goes around it; and they gave them to Lucullus. In his fear 
that these marks might lead to his recognition and capture he had pulled 
them off and thrown them away." 

. . . and because he had enjoyed the extremes of ~*T„ 
fortune in both respects, he allowed it. For after his (»• «• 685) 
many defeats and victories no fewer, he had a firm 
belief that he had ia consequence become more versed 
in generalship. His foes accordingly busied them- 
selves as if they were then for the first time beginning 
war, sending an embassy to their various neighbors, 
including among others Arsaces the Parthian, although 
he was hostile to Tigranes on account of some disputed 
territory. This they offered to vacate far hioij and 



B. c. 69 proceeded to malign the Eomans, saying that the latter, 
{a. u. 685) gj^Q^j^ ^j^^y conquer them while isolated, would imme- 
diately make a campaign against him. Every victori- 
ous force was inherently insatiable of success and put 
no bound to acquisition, and the Romans, who had won 
the mastery over many, would not choose to leave him 
— 2— While they were so engaged, Lucullus did not follow 
up Tigranes, but allowed him to reach safety quite at 
leisure. Because of this he was charged by the citi- 
zens, as well as others, with refusing to end the war, in 
order that he might retaia his command a longer time. 
Therefore they then restored the province of Asia to 
the praetors, and later, when he apparently acted in this 
way again, sent to him the consul of that year, to re- 
lieve him. Tigranocerta he did seize when the foreign- 
ers that dwelt with the natives revolted to the side of 
the Armenians. The most of these were Cilicians who 
had once been deported, and they let in the Romans 
during the night. Thereupon everything was laid 
waste except what belonged to the CUicians ; and many 
wives of the principal chiefs Lucullus held, when cap- 
tured, free from outrage: by this action he won over 
their husbands also. He received further Antiochus, 
king of Commagene (the Syrian country near the Eu- 
phrates and the Taurus), and Alchaudonius, an Ara- 
bian chieftain, and others who had made proposals for 
<=8— From them he learned of the embassy sent by Ti- 
granes and Mithridates to Arsaces, and despatched 
to him, on his part, some of the allies with threats, in 
case he should aid the foe, and promises, if he should 



espouse the Eoman cause. Arsaces at that time (for , b. c, 69. 

^ (o. u. 685) 

he still nourished anger against Tigranes and felt no 
suspicion toward the EomajQs) sent a counter-embassy 
to Lucullus, and established friendship and alliance. 
Later, at sight of Secilius,^ who had come to him, he 
began to suspect that the emissary was there to spy out 
the country and his power. It was for this cause, h© 
thought, and not for the sake of the agreement which 
had already been made that a man distinguished in 
warfare had been sent. Hence he no longer rendered 
them any help. On the other hand, he made no oppo- 
sition, but stood aloof from both parties, naturally 
wishing neither to grow strong. He decided that an 
evenly balanced contest between them would bring him 
the greatest safety. 

Besides these transactions Lucullus this year sub- —4 — 
dued many parts of Armenia. In the year of Quintus (». ■„.' 686) 
Marcius (Note by the author. — By this I mean that 
although he was not the only consul appointed, he was 
the only one that held office. Lucius Metellus, elected 
with him, died in the early part of the year, and the 
man chosen in his stead resigned before entering upon 
office, wherefore no one else was appointed.), — in this 
year, then, when summer was half way through (in the 
spring it was impossible to invade hostile territory by 
reason of the cold), Lucullus entered upon a campai^ 
and devastated some land purposing to draw the bar- 
barians, while defending it, imperceptibly into battle. 
As he could not rouse them for all that, he attacked. 
In this engagement the opposing cavalry gave the — 5 — 

1 This man's name is given as Sextilius by Plutarch (Life of Lucullus, 
chapter 25) and Appian (Mithridatic Wars, chapter 84). 


— 6 


B. c. 68 Eoman cavalry hard work, but none of the foe ap- 

(a. M. 686) ^ ' i.T J. . 1 

proached the infantry; indeed, whenever the toot-sol- 
diers of Lucullus assisted the horse, the adversaries of 
the Romans would turn to flight. Far from suffering 
harm, however, they shot backward at those pursuing 
them, killing some instantly and wounding great num- 
bers. Such wounds were dangerous and hard to heal. 
This was because they used double arrow-points and 
furthermore poisoned them, so that the missiles, 
whether they stuck fast anywhere in the body or were 
drawn out, would quickly destroy it, since the second 
iron point, having no attachment, would be left within. 
Lucullus, since many were being wounded, some were 
dying, and some were being maimed, and provisions 
at the same time were failing them, retired from that 
place and marched against Nisibis. This city is built 
in the region called Mesopotamia (Author's note. — 
Mesopotamia is the name given to all the country be- 
tween the Tigris and Euphrates.) and now belongs to 
us, being considered a colony of ours. But at that time 
Tigranes, who had seized it from the Parthians, had 
deposited in it his treasuries and most of his other 
possessions, and had stationed his brother as guard 
over it. Lucullus reached this city in summer time, 
and although he directed his attacks upon it in no half- 
hearted fashion, he effected nothing. For the walls 
being of brick, double and of great thickness, with a 
deep moat intervening, could be neither shaken down 
nor dug through and consequently Tigranes was not 
_7_ lending them assistance. When winter set in, and the 



"barbarians were behaving rather carelessly, inasmuch .^•^' g|gv 
as they had the upper hand and were all but expecting 
to drive out the Romans, LucuUus waited for a night 
without a moon, when there was a violent storm of 
thunder and rain, so that the foe, not being able to see 
ahead or hear a sound, left the outer city (all but a few 
of them) and the intervening moat. He then assailed 
the wall at many points, ascending it without difficulty 
from the mounds, and easily slew the guards, not many 
in number, who had been left behind upon it. In this 
way he filled up a part of the moat — the barbarians 
had broken down the bridges in advance — and got 
across, since in the downpour neither archery nor fire 
could harm him. Immediately he captured nearly 
everything, for the ianer circle was not very strong 
"by reason of the confidence felt iu the outer works be- 
yond it. Among those that fled to the acropolis, whom 
he subsequently caused to capitulate, was the brother 
of Tigranes. He also obtained considerable money 
and passed the winter there. 

Nisibis, then, he overpowered as described, but many _8_ 
localities of Armenia and the other countries around 
Pontus he lost. Tigranes had not aided the town ia 
question through the idea that it could not be captured, 
but had hurried to the aforementioned places to see if 
he could acquire them before LucuUus, while the latter 
was occupied near the other city. Despatching Mithri- 
dates to his native land, Tigranes himself entered his 
own district of Armenia. There he was opposed by 
Lucius Fannius, whom he cut off and besieged, how- 



B. c. 68 ever, until LucuUus ascertaining it sent assistance. 

{a. u. 686) ' , . -, 1 ,1 J.1 A 

—9— Meanwhile Mithridates had invaded the other Ar- 
menia and surrounding neighborhood, where he fell 
upon and destroyed many of the Eomans to whom he 
appeared unexpectedly as they were wandering about 
the country. Others he annihilated in battle, and 
thereby won back speedily most of the positions. For 
the men of that land were well disposed toward him 
because of kinship and because of his being hereditary 
monarch: they hated the Eomans because the latter 
were foreigners and because they had been ill treated 
by those set over them. Consequently they sided with 
Mithridates and afterward conquered Marcus Fabius, 
leader of the Eomans in that place. The Thracians, 
who had formerly been mercenaries under Mithridates, 
but were then with Fabius, and the slaves present in 
the Eoman camp gave them vigorous assistance, 
Thracians sent ahead by Fabius to reconnoitre brought 
back to him no reliable report, and later, when Mith- 
ridates suddenly fell upon him as he was proceeding 
along in a rather unguarded fashion, they joined in the 
attack on the Eomans, At the same instant the slaves 
(to whom the barbarians had proclaimed freedom) 
took a hand in the work. They would have crushed 
their adversaries, had not Mithridates while occupied 
with the enemy — although over seventy years old he 
was in the battle — been hit with a stone. This caused 
the barbarians to fear that he might die; and while 
they halted battle on this account, Fabius and the 

— 10— others were able to escape to safety. The Eoman gen- 



era! was subsequently shut up and besieged in Cabira, ,^'^'q^q^ 
but was rescued by Triarius. The latter was in that 
"vicinity on his way from Asia to LucuUus. Having 
learned what had happened he collected as large a 
force as was possible with the resources at hand and in 
his advance so alarmed Mithridates (probably by the 
size of the Eoman detachment) as to make him with- 
draw before Triarius came in view. At this the 
Bomans took courage, and pursuing the enemy as far 
as Comana, whither he had retired, won a victory over 
him. Mithridates was in camp on the opposite side of 
the river from the point where the Eomans ap- 
proached, and was anxious to join battle while they 
Tvere worn out from the march. Accordingly he him- 
self met them first, and directed that at the crisis of 
the battle others should cross from another direction, 
by a bridge, to take part in the attack. But whereas 
he fought an equal conflict a long time he was deprived 
of reinforcements by the confusion on the bridge across 
which many were pushing at one time, crowded all 

Thereafter they both retreated to their own fortifica- — ii — 
iions and rested, for it was now winter. Comana be- 
longs to the present territory of Cappadocia and was 
reported to have preserved right through to that time 
the Tauric statue of Artemis and the race of Agamem- 
non. As to how these reached them or how remained 
there I can find no certain account, since there are 
various stories. But what I understand accurately I 
will state. There are two cities in Cappadocia not far 



B. c. 68 apart and of the same name whicli contend for the 

(a. u. 686) ^ . 1 1 -1 -J. 

same honors. Their myths and the rehcs they exhibit 
are alike, and both treasure a sword, which is sup- 
posedly the very one connected with the story of 
— 12— To resume our narrative. The following year, in 

B. C. 67 . . , 

{a. u. 687) the consulship of Manius Acilius and Gains Piso, Mith- 
ridates encamped against Triarius near Gaziura, try- 
ing to challenge and provoke him to battle; for inci- 
dentally he himself practiced watching the Bomans and 
trained his army to do so. His hope was to engage 
and vanquish Triarius before LucuUus came up and 
thus get back the rest of the province. As he could 
not arouse him, he sent some men to Dadasa, a garrison 
where the Eomans' baggage was deposited, in order 
that his opponent by defending it might be drawn into 
conflict. And so it was. Triarius for a time fearing 
the numbers of Mithridates and expecting Lucullus^ 
whom he had sent for,^ remained quiet. But when 
news came of the siege of Dadasa, and the soldiers in 
fear for the place got disturbed and kept threatening 
that if no one would lead them out they would go to 
the rescue at their own bidding, he reluctantly left his 
position. As he was now moving forward the bar- 
barians fell upon him, surrounded and overwhelmed 
by their numbers those near at hand, and encompassed 
with cavalry and killed those who, not knowing that 
the river had been directed into the plain, had fled 
_ j3 _ thither. They would have destroyed them utterly, had 

iCobet's fiereTzinsfinro in place of Vat. AfisTsni/insTO. 



Jiot one of the Romans, pretending to come from the B. c. 67 

' ^ _ ., (o. M. 687) 

allies of Mithridates — no few of whom, as I have said, 
were along with the expedition on an equal footing 
"with the Eomans, — approached the leader, as if wish- 
ing to make some communication, and wounded him. 
To be sure, the fellow was immediately seized and put 
to death, but the barbarians were so disheartened in 
view of the occurrence that many of the Eomans es- 

When Mithridates had had his wound cured, he sus- 
pected that there were some others, too, of the enemy 
in the camp. So he held a review of the soldiers as if 
with a different purpose, and gave the order that they 
should retire singly to their tents with speed. Then 
he despatched the Eomans, who were thus left alone. 
At this juncture the arrival of LucuUus gave the idea —14 — 
to some that he would conquer Mithridates easily, and 
soon recover all that had been let slip: however, he 
effected nothing. For his antagonist, entrenched on 
the high ground near Talaura, would not come out 
against him, and the other Mithridates from Media, 
son-in-law of Tigranes, fell upon the Eomans whUe 
scattered, and killed many of them. Likewise the ap- 
proach of Tigranes himself was announced. 

Then there was mutiny in the army, for the Valeri- 
ans,^ who had been exempted from military service 
and afterward had started on a campaign again, had 
been restless even at Nisibis on account of the victory 

1" Valerians" was a name given to the Twentieth Legion. (Sue 
Livy VI, 9.) 



B. c. 67 and ensuing idleness, and also because they had had 
provisions in abundance and the bulk of the manage- 
ment, LucuUus being absent on many errands. But it 
was chiefly because a certain Publius Clodius (whom 
some called Claudius) under the influence of an innate 
love of revolution solidified the seditious element 
among them, though his sister was united in wedlock 
to Lucullus. They were especially wrought up at that 
time, moreover, through heariag that Acilius the con- 
sul, who had been sent out to relieve Lucullus for rea- 
sons mentioned, was drawing near. They held him 
in slight repute, regarding him as a mere private citi- 

— 15— zen. Lucullus was in a dilemma both for these reasons 

and because Marcius* (consul the year before Acilius), 
who was en route to Cilicia, the province he was des- 
tined to govern, had refused a request of his for aid. 
He hesitated to depart through a barren country and 
feared to stand his ground: hence he set out against 
Tigranes, to see if he could repulse the latter while off 
his guard and tired from the march, and thus put a 
stop, to a certain extent, to the mutiny of the soldiers. 
He attained neither object. The army accompanied 
him to a certain spot from which it was possible to 
turn aside into Cappadocia, and all with one consent 
without a word turned off in that direction. The Vale- 
rians, indeed, learning that they had been exempted, 
from the campaign by the authorities at home, with- 
drew altogether. 

— 16— Let no one wonder that Lucullus, who had proved 

1 Q. Maroius Bex. 



himself of all men most versed in warfare, and was b. c. 67 
the first Roman to cross the Taurus with an army and 
for hostile operations, who had vanquished two pow- 
erful kings and would have captured them if he had 
chosen to end the war quickly, was unahle to rule his 
fellow-soldiers, and that they were always revolting and 
finally left him in the lurch. He required a great deal 
of them, was difficult of access, strict in his demands 
for labor, and inexorable in his punishments : he did 
not understand how to win over a man by argument, 
or to attach him to himself by kindliness, or to make 
a comrade of him by sharing honors or wealth,— all 
of which means are necessary, especially in a large 
body, and most of all in a body of soldiers. Hence the 
soldiers, as long as they prospered and got booty that 
was a fair return for their dangers, obeyed him: but 
when they encountered trouble and fell into fear in- 
stead of hopes, they no longer heeded him at aU. The 
proof of this is that Pompey took these same men (he 
enrolled the Valerians again) and kept them without 
the slightest show of revolt. So much does man differ 
from man. 

After this action of the soldiers Mithridates won 
back almost all his domain and wrought dire devasta- 
tion in Cappadocia, since neither LucuUus defended it, 
under the excuse that Acilius was near, nor Acilius 
himself. For the latter, who in the first place was hur- 
rying on to rob LucuUus of the fruits of victory, now, 
when he learned what had taken place, did not come to 
the camp, but delayed in Bithynia. As for Marcius, 


17 — 


B. c. 67 the pretext which he gave for not assisting Lucnllus 
was that his soldiers refused to follow him. When he 
reached Cilicia he received one Menemachus, a deserter 
from Tigranes, and Clodius who had revolted under 
Lucullus, and, fearing a repetition of the doings at 
Nisibis, he put him in command of the fleet; for Mar- 
cius, too, had one of his sisters as wife. Now Clodius, 
after being captured by the pirates and released by 
them LQ consequence of their fear of Pompey, came to 
Antioch in Syria, declaring that he would be their 
ally against the Arabians, with whom the people were 
then at variance. There, likewise, he caused some to 
revolt, and his activity nearly cost him his life. 

— 18— ... he spares.^ In his eagerness for supremacy 
he assailed even the Cre,tans who had come to terms 
with him, and not heeding their objection that there 
was a state of truce he hastened to do them harm be- 
fore Pompey came up. Octavius, who was there, had 
no troops and so kept quiet : in fact, he had not been 
sent to do any fighting, but to take charge of the cities. 
Cornelius Sisenna, the governor of Greece, did, to be 

iThe subject must be Quintus Caecilius Metellus. This is the 
point at which the Medicean manuscript (see Introduction) now be- 
gins, and between what goes before and what follows there is an obvious 
gap of some kind. A few details touching upon the close of the Cretan 
■war may be found in Xiphilinus (p. 1, 1^20), as follows: 

"And [Metellus] subjugated the entire island, albeit he was hindered 
and restrained by Pompey the Great, who was now lord of the whole 
sea and of the mainland for a three days' march from the coast; for 
Pompey asserted that the islands also belonged to him. Nevertheless, 
in spite of Pompey's opposition, Metellus put an end to the Cretan 
war, conducted a triumph in memory thereof, and was given the title 
of Cretieus." 

It should be noted in passing that J. Hilberg (Zeitschrift f. oest. 
Gymn., 1889, p. 213) thinks that the proper place for the chapter 
numbered 16 is after 17, instead of before it. 



sure, when he heard the news, come to Crete, and ad- , b. C. 67 

' ' (o. M. 687) 

vise Metellus to spare the villages, but on failing to 
persuade him made no active opposition. Metellus, 
after many other outrages, captured by treachery the 
city Eleuthera and extorted money from it. The 
traitors had repeatedly at night saturated with vinegar 
a very large brick tower, most difficult of capture, so 
that it became brittle. Next he took by storm Lappa, 
in spite of Octavius's occupancy, and did the latter no 
harm, but put to death the Cilioians, his followers. 
Octavius, incensed at this, no longer remained quiet, — et — 
but first used the army of Sisenna (that general had 
fallen sick and died) to aid here and there the victims 
of oppression, and then, when the detachment of Metel- 
lus had retired, proceeded to Aristion at Hieropydna, 
by whose side he fought. Aristion, on the retreat from 
Cydonia about that time, had conquered one Lucius 
Bassus who sailed out to oppose him, and had gained 
possession of Hieropydna. They held out for a whUe, 
but at the approach of Metellus left the fortification 
and put to sea. There they encountered a storm, and 
were driven ashore, losing many men. Henceforth 
Metellus was master of the entire island. 

In this way the Cretans, who had been free through 
all preceding ages and had never owned a foreign lord, 
were enslaved; and from their subjugation Metellus 
obtained his title. He was, however, unable to have 
Panares and Lasthenes (whom he had also captured) 
march in his triumph. For Pompey had got them away 
beforehand by persuading one of the tribunes that it 
was to him they had submitted and not to Metellus. 



^^°~ I will now relate the progress of Pompey's career. 

(o. It. 687) The pirates, occupied in plundering, kept troubling 
continually those who sailed as well as the dwellers on 
land. There was never a time when piracy was not 
practiced, nor may it cease so long as the nature of 
mankind remains the same. But formerly plundering 
was limited to certain localities and small bands op- 
erating only during the regular season on sea and on 
land; whereas at this time, ever since war had been 
carried on continuously in many different places, and 
many cities had been uprooted, while sentences hung 
over the heads of all the fugitives even, and fear con- 
fronted men in everything, large numbers turned to 
plundering. Now the bandit organizations on the 
mainland, being rather in sight of towns, which could 
thus perceive a source of injury close by, proved not 
so very difficult to overwhelm and were somehow 
broken up with a fair degree of ease ; but those on the 
sea had grown to the greatest proportions. While the 
Eomans were busy with antagonists they flourished. 
They sailed about to many quarters, adding to their 
band all of like condition, and some of these, after the 

— 21— fashion of allies, assisted many others. How much 
they accomplished with the help of the outsiders has 
been told. When those nations were overthrown, in- 
stead of ceasing they did much serious damage alone 
by themselves to the Eomans and Roman allies. They 
were no longer in small force, but were accustomed to 
sail in great expeditions; and they had generals, so 
that they had acquired a great reputation. They 
robbed and harried first and foremost sailors : for suchi 



not even the winter season was any longer safe; the . ^- ^- ^J.. 

" " (a. u. toy) 

pirates through daring and through practice and 
through success were now showing absolute fearless- 
ness in their seamanship. Second, they pillaged even 
craft lying in harbors. If any one ventured to put out 
against them, usually he was defeated and perished; 
but even if he conquered he woxdd be unable to capture 
any of the enemy by reason of the speed of their ships. 
Accordingly, they would return after a little, as if 
victors, to ravage and set in flames not only farms and 
country districts, but also whole cities. But other 
places they conciliated, so as to gain apparently 
friendly naval stations and winter quarters. 

As they progressed by these means it became cus- —23 — 
ternary for them to go into the interior, and they did 
much mischief even among those who had no sea-traf- 
fic. This is the way they treated not only those outside 
of their body of allies, but the land of Italy itself. Be- 
lieving that they would obtain greater gains from that 
quarter and that they would terrify all others still 
more, if they refused to hold their hands even from that 
country, they sailed into the very harbor of Ostia, and 
also of other cities in the vicinity, burned the ships and 
ravaged everything. Finally, as no setback occurred, 
they took up their abode on the land, disposing of what- 
ever men they did not kill, and of the spoils they took 
quite fearlessly, as if in their own territory. And 
though some plundered in one region and others else- 
where,— it not being possible for the same persons to 
do harm the whole length of the sea,— they neverthe- 
less showed such friendship one for another that they 
sent money and assistance even to those entirely un- 
voL. 2 — 2 17 


B. c. 67 known, as if to nearest kin. One of the largest ele- 
ments in their strength was that those who helped 
any of them all would honor, and those who came into 
collision with any of them all would despoil. 

— 83— To such an extent did the supremacy of the pirates 
grow that their hostility became a matter of moment, 
constant, admitting no precaution, implacable. The 
Eomans, of course, from time to time heard and saw a 
little of what was going on, inasmuch as imports in 
general ceased coming in and the corn supply was shut 
off entirely; but tiiey gave no serious attention to it 
when they ought. On the contrary, they would send 
out fleets and generals, according as they were stirred 
by individual reports, but effected nothing; instead, 
they caused their allies all the greater distress by these 
very means, until they were finally reduced to extrem- 
ities. Then at last they came together and deliberated 
many days as to what steps must be taken. Wearied 
' by the continued dangers and noting how great and 

far reaching was the war raised against them, and be- 
lieving, too, that it was impossible to assail the pirates 
all at once or individually, because the latter gave mu- 
tual assistance and it was impracticable to drive them 
back everywhere at once, the people fell into a dilemma 
and into great despair of making any successful stroke. 
In the end one Aulus Gabinius, a tribune, set forth his 
plan : he was either prompted by Pompey or wished to 
do him some favor; certainly he was not impelled by 
any love of the common welfare, for he was the vilest 
of men: his plan was that they should choose from 
among the ex-consuls one general with full powers 
over all, srho should command for three years and 



have the use of a huge force, with many lieutenants, b. c. 67 
He did not actually utter the name of Pompey, but it 
was easy to see that if once the multitude should hear 
of any such proposition, they would choose him. So it —24 — 
turned out. His motion was carried and immediately 
all save the senate began to favor Pompey. That body 
was in favor of enduring anything whatever at the 
hands of the freebooters rather than to put so great 
command into Pompey 's hands. In fact they came 
near slaying Gabinius in the very halls of the senate, 
but he eluded them somehow. "When the people learned 
the intention of the senators they raised an uproar, go- 
ing to the point of making a rush at them as they sat 
assembled : and if the elders had not gotten out of the 
way, the populace would without doubt have killed 
them. They all scattered and secreted themselves ex- 
cept Gains Piso the consul (it was in his year and 
Acilius's that these events took place), who was ar- 
rested and condenmed to perish for the others; but 
Gabinius begged him off. After this the leading men 
themselves gladly held their peace on condition of be- 
ing allowed to live, but used influence on the nine trib- 
unes, to have them oppose Gabinius. All of the latter, 
however, except a Lucius Trebellius and Lucius Eos- 
cius, out of fear of the multitude would not say a word 
in opposition; and those two men, who had the courage, 
were unable to redeem any of their promises by either 
word or deed. For when the appointed day came on 
which the motion was to be ratified, things went as 

Pompey, who was thoroughly anxious to command, 
and already by reason of his own ambition and the 



^" ^' 687* ^®^^ °^ *^® populace no longer so much, regarded this 
commission as an honor as. the failure to "win it a dis- 
grace, seeing the opposition of those ia power had a 
wish to appear as if compulsion were being used. In 
general he was as little as possible in the habit of re- 
vealing his real desires, but still more on this occasion 
did he feign reluctance, because of the ensuing jeal- 
ousy, should he of his own accord lay claim to the 
leadership, and because of the glory if he should be ap- 
pointed unwillingly as the one most worthy to ' 

— 25— He now came forward and said: " Quirites, I re- 
joice at the honor laid upon me by you. All men nat- 
urally take pride in benefits conferred upon them by the 
citizens, and I, who have often enjoyed honors at your 
hands, scarcely know how to be worthily pleased at the 
present contingency. However, I do not think that you 
, should be so insatiable with regard to my services, nor 
that I should incessantly be in some position of com- 
mand. For I have labored since childhood, and as you 
know, you should be promoting others as well. Do you 
not recall how many toils I underwent in the war 
against Cinna, though I was the veriest youth, or how 
many labors in Sicily and in Africa before I had quite 
reached the age of iuvenis, or how many dangers I 
encountered in Spain, while I was not as yet a senator? 
I shall not say that you have shown yourselves un- 
grateful toward me for all these labors. How could I? 
Quite the reverse, in addition to the many other im- 
portant favors of which you have deemed me worthy, 
the very fact that I was trusted to undertake the post 



of general against Sertorius, when no one else was ^'^'^L^ 
either willing or able, and that I held a triumph, con- 
trary to custom, after resigning it, brought me the 
greatest honor. I only say that I have undergone many 
anxieties and many dangers, that I am worn out in 
body and wearied in soul. Do not keep reckoning that 
I am still young, nor calculate that I have lived just 
so many years. For if you count up the campaigns 
that I have made and the dangers I have faced, you 
will find them far more in number than my years, and 
by this means you will more readily believe that I can 
no longer withstand the anxieties and the hardships. 

" Some one might possibly reply : * But you see that — se — 
all such opportunities for toil are causes of jealousy 
and hatred.' This feature you hold in no account — 
you ought not properly even to pretend to regard it — 
but to me it would prove most grievous. And I must 
admit that I am not so much disturbed or troubled by 
any danger to be encountered in the midst of wars as 
by such exhibitions. For what person in his right mind 
could take pleasure in living among men who are 
jealous of him, and who would feel the heart to carry- 
out any public enterprise, if destined in case of failure 
to submit to punishment and if successful to be the ob- 
ject of rancorous envy? In view of these and other 
considerations aUow me to remain at peace and attend 
to my own business, so that now at last I may bestow 
some care upon my private affairs and not perish from 
exhaustion. Against the pirates elect somebody else. 
There are many who are both willing and able to serve 
as admirals, both younger and older men, so that your 


— 27 — 


B. c. 67 choice from so numerous a company becomes easy. Of 

(o. u. 687) 

course I am not the only one who loves you, nor am 
I alone skilled in warfare, but — not seeming to favor 
any by mentioning names — equally so is A or B." 

At this point in his harangue Gabinius, interrupt- 
ing, cried: " Pompey's behavior in this very matter, 
Quirites, is worthy of his character. He does not seek 
the leadership, nor does he accept it without thought 
when granted him. An upright man has no business, 
generally speaking, to desire the annoyances incident 
to office, and it is Pompey's way to undertake all tasks 
imposed upon him only with due consideration, in order 
that he may accomplish them with corresponding 
safety. Precipitation in promises and in action, more 
hasty than the occasion demands, causes the downfall 
of many ; but exactitude at the start as well as in exe- 
cution possesses a constant value and is to the advan- 
tage of all. You must choose not what would satisfy 
Pompey, but what is of benefit to the state. Not office- 
seekers, but those who have capacity should be ap- 
pointed to the business in hand: the former exist in 
very large numbers, but any other such man as my 
candidate you will not find. You recall, further, how 
many reverses of a serious nature we endured in the 
war against Sertorius through lack of a general, and 
that we found no one else among young or old adapted 
to it except the man before you; and that we sent him 
to the field in place of both consuls, although at that 
time he had not yet reached a mature age and was not 
a member of the senate. I should be glad if we did 
have many able men, and if I ought to pray for such, 



I "would so pray: since, however, this ability does not b. c. 67 
depend on prayer or come of its own accord to any one, 
but a man has to be born with, a natural bent for it, 
to learn what is pertinent and practice what is fitting 
and beyond everything to enjoy good fortune, which 
would very rarely fall to the lot of the same man, 
you must all unanimously, whenever such an one is 
found, both support him and make the fullest use of 
him even if he does not wish it. Such violence proves 
most noble both to him who exerts it and to him who 
suffers it, — to the former because he would be pre- 
served by it, and to the latter because it would preserve 
the citizens, in whose behalf the excellent and patriotic 
man would most readily give up both body and soul. 

" Do you think that whereas this Pompey when a —28 — 
youth could conduct campaigns, be general, increase 
our possessions, preserve those of our allies, and ac- 
quire those of our adversaries, now, iu the prime of 
life, when every man fairly surpasses himself, with a 
mass of additional experience gained from wars he 
could not prove most useful to you? "Will you reject, 
now that he has reached man's estate, him whom while 
iuvenis you chose to lead? Will you not confide this 
campaign to the man, now become a member of the 
senate, to whom while still a knight you committed 
those wars? Will you not, now that you have most 
amply tested his mettle, commit the present emergency, 
no less pressing than former ones, to him for whom 
alone you asked in the face of those urgent dangers ere 
you had applied any accurate test at all ? Will you not 
send out against the pirates one, now an ex-consul, 



B. c. 67 wliom before he could yet properly hold ofl&ce you 

(a. «. 687) w i J. ^ 

elected against Sertorius? Eather, do not for a mo- 
ment adopt any other course ; and Pompey, do you heed 
your country, and me. By her you were borne, by her 
you were reared. You must be a slave to whatever is 
for her advantage, not shrinking from any hardship 
or danger to secure it. And should it become necessary 
for you to lose your life, you must in that case not 
await your fated day but embrace whatever death 

— 29— meets you. But truly I am ridiculous to give you this 

advice, — you who in so many great conflicts have ex- 
hibited both your bravery and your love for your 
country. Heed me, therefore, and these citizens here; 
do not fear because some are envious. Eather press on 
all the more for this very reason to a goal which is the 
friendship of the majority and the common advantage 
of us all, and scorn your traducers. Or^ if you are 
willing to grieve them a little, take command for this 
very reason, that you may distress them by serving 
and winning glory contrary to their expectations, and 
that you may in person set an ending worthy of your- 
self beside your former accomplishments, by ridding us 
of many great evils." 

— 30— When G-abinius had thus expressed himself, Trebel- 

lius strove to make a dissenting speech; but as he did 
not receive leave to speak he proceeded to oppose the 
casting of a vote. Gabinius was incensed, and delayed 
the balloting regarding Pompey, but introduced a new 
motion concerning the same man. The first seventeen 
tribes to register an opinion decided that Trebellius 
was at fault and might be no longer tribune. And not 
imtil the eighteenth was on the point of voting the same 



way, was lie barely induced to maintain silence. Eos- , b. c. 67 

. (o. «. 687) 

cms, seeing this, did not dare utter a word, but by a 
gesture of his raised hand urged them to choose two 
men, so that he might by so doing cut off a little of 
Pompey's supremacy. At this gesticulation of his the 
crowd gave a great threatening shout, whereat a crow 
flying above their heads was so startled that it fell as 
if smitten by lightning. After that Eoscius kept not 
only his tongue but his hand still. Catulus was for 
remaining silent, but Gabinius urged him to make some 
speech, inasmuch as he ranked among the foremost in 
the senate and it seemed likely that through his agency 
the rest might reach a harmonious decision; it was 
Gabinius 's hope, likewise, that he would join in ap- 
proving the general desire from the fact that he saw 
the tribunes in bad straits. Accordingly Catulus re- 
ceived permission to speak, since all respected and 
honored him as one who at all times spoke and acted 
for their advantage, and delivered an address about as 
follows : 

" That I have been exceedingly zealous, Quirites, in —31 — 
behalf of your body, all of you, doubtless, clearly un- 
derstand. This being so, it is requisite for me to set 
forth in simple fashion and quite frankly what I know 
to be for the good of the State; and it is only fair for 
you to listen to it calmly and afterward to deliberate. 
For, if you raise an uproar, you will fail of obtaining 
some perhaps very useful suggestion which you might 
have heard, but if you pay attention to what is said you 
will be sure to discover definitely something to your 
advantage. I for my part assert in the first place most 
emphatically that it is not proper to confide to any one 



(^' ^' fi87i ^^^ s*' many positions of command, one after another. 
This has been forbidden by law, and by test has been 
found to be most perilous. What made Marius such a 
monster was practically nothing else than being en- 
trusted with so many wars in the briefest space of time 
and being made consul six times as rapidly as possible : 
and similarly the cause of Sulla's frenzy was that he 
held command of the armies so many years in succes- 
sion, and later was appointed dictator, then consul. 
It does not lie in man's nature for a person, not 
necessarily young but mature quite as often, after ex- 
ercise in authority for a considerable period to be will- 
—32— ing to abide by ancestral customs. I do not say this in 
any spirit of condemnation of Pompey, but because it 
does not appear at all advantageous to you on general 
grounds, and further it is not permitted according to 
the laws. For if an enterprise brings honor to those 
deemed worthy of it, all whom that enterprise concerns 
ought to obtain honor ; this is the principle of draioc^ 
racy: and if it brings labor, all ought to share that 
labor proportionately ; this is mere equity. 

"Again, in such an affair it is to your advantage for 
many individuals to have practice in exploits, so that 
as a result of trial your choice may be an easy one 
from among those who can be trusted for any urgent 
business ; but if you take that other course it is quite 
inevitable that the scarcity should be great of those 
who will practice what they should, and to whom inter- 
ests can be trusted. This is the chief reason why you 
were at a loss for a general in the war with Sertorius ; 
previous to that time you were accustomed to employ 



the same men for a long period. Consequently, even b. c. 67 

• Ma (o. w. 687) 

if m all other respects Pompey deserves to be elected 
against the pirates, still, inasmuch as he would be 
chosen contrary to the injunction of the laws and to 
the principles laid down by experience, it behooves both 
you and him most strongly that it be not done. 

* * This is the first and most important point I have to — 33 — 
mention. Second arises the consideration, that when 
consuls and praetors and those serving in their place 
can take offices and leaderships in a way prescribed by 
the laws it is neither decent nor advantageous for you 
to overlook them and introduce some new office. To 
what end do you elect the annual officials, if you are 
going to make no use of them for such businesses ? Not, 
presmnably, that they may stalk about in purple-bor- 
dered togas, nor that endued with the name alone of the 
office they may be deprived of its duties. How can you 
fail to alienate these and all the rest who have a pur- 
pose to enter politics at all, if you break down the 
ancient offices, and entrust nothing to those elected by 
law, but assign a strange and previously non-existent 
position of command to a private individual? If there —34 — 
should be any necessity of choosing, in addition to the 
annual officials, still another, there is for this, too, an 
ancient precedent,— I mean the dictator. However, 
because he held such power, our fathers did not ap- 
point him on all occasions nor for a longer period than 
six naonths. Accordingly, if you need any such person, 
you may, without transgressing the laws or making 
light of the common welfare, designate either Pompey 
or any one else dictator, — on condition that he shall 



B. c. 67 iiold sway for not more tlian the time ordained, nor 
outside of Italy. You doubtless are not ignorant that 
this latter limitation, too, our fathers guarded scrupu- 
lously, and no instance would be found of a dictator 
chosen for any other country, except one sent to Sicily, 
and that without accomplishing anything. But if Italy 
needs no such person and you would no longer endure, 
apart from the functions of dictator, even the name 
(this is clear from your anger against Sulla), how 
would it be right for a new position of command to be 
created, and that, too, for three years and embracing 
practically all interests both in Italy and without! 
What disasters come to cities from such a course, and 
how many men on account of lawless lust for rule have 
often disturbed our populace and done themselves 
countless evils, you all alike understand. 

_35— "About this, then, I shall say no more. Who can 
fail to know that on general principles it is neither 
decent nor advantageous to commit matters to any one 
man, or for any one man to be put in charge of all the 
blessings we own, even if he be the best man conceiva- 
ble? Great honors and excessive powers excite and 
ruin even such persons. I ask you, however, to con- 
sider my next assertion, — that it is not possible for 
one man to preside over the entire sea and to manage 
the entire war properly. You must, if you shall in the 
least do what is needful, make war on them everywhere 
at once, so that they may neither unite, nor by finding 
a refuge among those not attacked, become hard to cap- 
ture. Any one man who might be in command could 
by no manner of means accomplish this. For how on 



about the same days could lie fight in Italy and in b. c. 67 
Cilicia, Egypt and Syria, Greece and Spain, in the 
Ionian Sea and the islands? Consequently you need 
many soldiers and generals both, to take matters in 
hand, if they are going to be of any use to you. In case — 36 — 
any one declares that even if you confide the entire war 
to some one person he will most certainly have plenty 
of admirals and lieutenants, my reply would be: 
* Would it not be much juster and more advantageous 
for these men destined to serve under him to be chosen 
by you beforehand for the very purpose and to receive 
an independent command from you? What prevents 
such a course? ' By this plan they will pay more heed 
to the war, since each of them is entrusted with his 
own particular share and cannot lay upon any one elso 
the responsibility for neglect of it, and there will be 
keener rivalry among them because they are inde^ 
pendent and will themselves get the glory for whatever 
they effect. By the other plan what man do you think, 
subordinate to some one else, will with equal readinessi 
perform any duty, when the credit for his victory will 
belong not to himself but to another? 

"Accordingly, that one man could not at one time 
carry on so great a war has been admitted on the part 
of Gabinius himself, in that he asks for many helpers 
to be given to whomever is elected. Our final consid- 
eration is whether actual commanders or assistants 
should be sent, and whether they should be despatched 
by the entire populace, or by the commandant alone 
for his assistance. Every one of you would agree that 
my proposition is more law-abiding in all respects, and 



B. c. 67 not merely in reference to the case of the freebooters. 
Aside from that, notice how it looks for all our oflSces 
to be overthrown on the pretext of ' pirates ' and for 
no one of them either in Italy or in subject territory 
during this time . . / 

_37_ ... and of Italy in place of consul for three 
years, they assigned to him fifteen lieutenants and 
voted all the ships, money and armaments that he 
might wish to take. These measures as well as the 
others which the senate decided to be necessary to their 
effectiveness in any given case that body ratified even 
against its will. Its action was prompted more par- 
ticularly by the fact that when Piso refused to allow 
the subordinate officers to hold enlistments in Gallia 
Narbonensis, of which he was governor, the populace 
was furiously enraged and would straightway have 
cast him out of office, had not Pompey begged him off. 
So after making preparations as the business and his 
judgment demanded he patrolled at one time the whole 
stretch of sea that the pirates were troubling, partly 
himself and partly through the agency of his under of- 
ficers, and subdued the greater part of it that very year. 
For whereas the force that he directed was vast both 
in point of fleet and in point of heavy-armed infantry, 
so that he was irresistible both on sea and on land, 

1 A leaf is here torn out of the first quaternion of the Medicean MS. 
An idea of the matter omitted may be gained by comparing Xiphilinus 
(p. 5):— 

" Catulus, one of the foremost men, had said to the populace : ' If 
he fail after being sent out on this errand (as not infrequently hap- 
pens in many contests, especially on the sea) whom else will you find 
in place of him for still more pressing business ? ' Thereat the entire 
throng as if by previous agreement lifted their voices and exclaimed: 
'You! ' Thus Pompey secured command of the' sea and of the islands 
and of the mainland for four himdred stades inland from the sea." 



his kindness to those who made terms with him was b. c. 67 
equally vast, so that he won over great nmnbers by 
such procedure. Persons defeated by his troops who 
made trial of his clemency went over to his side very 
readily. For besides other ways in which he took care 
of them he would give them any lands he saw vacant 
and cities that needed inhabitants, in order that they 
might never again through poverty fall into need of 
criminal exertions. Among the other cities settled in 
this way was the one called in commemoration Pompe- 
iopolis. It is in the coast region of Cilicia and had 
been sacked by Tigranes. Soli was its original name. 

Besides these events in the year of Acilius and Piso, —38 — 
an ordinance directed at men convicted of bribery 
regarding offices was framed by the consuls themselves, 
to the effect that no one of those involved should either 
hold office or be a senator, and should furthermore be 
subject to a fine. For now that the power of the trib- 
unes had returned to its ancient state, and many of 
the persons whose names had been stricken off by the 
censors were aspiring to get back the rank of senator 
by one means or another, a great many political unions 
and combinations were formed aiming at all the offices. 
The consuls took this course not because they were 
angry at the affair — they themselves were shown to 
have been actively engaged, and Piso, who was indicted 
by several persons on this charge, escaped being 
brought to trial only by purchasing exemption — but 
because pressure had been exerted by the senate. The 
reason for this was that one Gains Cornelius, while 
tribune, undertook to lay very severe penalties upon 
such unions, and the populace sided with him. The 



B. c. 67 senate, beinsr aware that an excessive punishment 

{a. u. 687) ' 

threatened has some deterrent force, but that men are 
then not easily found to accuse or condemn the guilty, 
since the latter will be in desperate danger, whereas 
moderation stimulates many to accusations and does 
not divert condemnations, was desirous of remodeling 
his proposition somehow, and bade the consuls frame 
—39— it as a law. Now when the comitisB had been an- 
nounced in advance and accordingly no law could be 
enacted till they were held, the canvassers kept doing 
much evil in this intervening time, to such an extent 
that assassinations occurred. As a consequence the 
senators voted that the law should be introduced be- 
fore the elections and a body-guard be given to the con- 
suls. Cornelius, angry at this, submitted a proposal 
that the senators be not allowed to grant office to aay 
one seeking it in a way not prescribed by law, nor to 
vote away any other prerogative of the people. This 
had been the law from very early times: it was not, 
however, being observed in practice. Thereupon arose 
a great uproar, since many of the senate and Piso in 
particular resisted; the crowd broke his staves to 
pieces and threatened to tear him limb from limb. See- 
ing the rush they made, Cornelius for the time being 
before calling for any vote dismissed the assembly: 
later he added to the law that the senate should in- 
variably hold a preliminary consultation about these 
cases and that it be compulsory to have the prelimi- 
nary degree ratified by the people. So he secured the 
passage of both that law and another now to be 
All the praetors themselves compiled and published 


— 40 — 


the principles according to which they intended to try b. c. 67 
cases ; for all the decrees regarding contracts had not 
yet been laid down. Now since they were not in the 
habit of doing this once for all and did not observe 
the rules as written, but often made changes in them 
and incidentally a niunber of clauses naturally ap- 
peared in some one's favor or to some one's hurt, he 
moved that they should at the very start announce 
the principles they would use, and not swerve from 
them at all. In fine, the Romans took such good care 
about that time to have no bribery, that in addition 
to punishing those convicted they furthermore hon- 
ored the accusers. For instance, when Marcus Cotta 
dismissed the quaestor Publius Oppius because of 
bribery and suspicion of conspiracy, though he him- 
self had made great profit out of Bithynia, they ex- 
alted Gaius Carbo who thereupon accused Cotta, with 
consular honors, notwithstanding he had served as 
tribune merely. Subsequently the latter himself was 
governor of Bithynia and erred no less widely than 
Cotta; he was, in his turn, accused by his son and con- 
victed. Some persons, of course, can more easily 
censure others than admonish themselves, and when it 
comes to their own case commit very readily deeds for 
which they think their neighbors deserving of punish- 
ment. Hence they can not, from the mere fact that they 
prosecute others, inspire confidence in their own de- 
testation of the acts in question. 

As for Lucius Lucullus, he finished his term of office _4i_; 
as city praetor, but on being chosen by lot thereafter 
to serve as governor of Sardinia he refused, detesting 
VOL. 2 — 3 33 


B. c. 67 the business because of the throng who were fostering 
corruption in foreign lands. That he was suited for 
the place he had given the fullest proof. Acilius once 
commanded the chair from which he had heard cases 
to be broken in pieces because LucuUus seeing AcUius 
pass by did not rise from his seat: yet the praetor 
did not give way to rage, and after that both he and his 
fellow officials tried cases standing up on account of 
the consul's action. 

—42— Eoscius likewise introduced a law, and so did Gains 
Manilius, at the time when they were tribunes. The 
former received some praise for his, — for it consisted 
in marking off sharply the seats of the knights in 
theatres from the other locations, — but Manilius came 
near having to stand trial. He had granted the class 
of freedmen, some of whom he got together from the 
populace on the last" day of the year and toward 
evening, the right to vote with those who had freed 
them. The senate learned of it immediately on the fol- 
lowing day, the first of the month, the day on which 
Lucius Tullius and ^milius Lepidus entered upon the 
{a.'u. 688) consulship, and rejected his law. He, then, in fear be- 
cause the populace was terribly angry, at first ascribed 
the idea to Crassus and some others ; as no one believed 
him, however, he paid court to Pompey even in the 
latter 's absence, especially because he knew that Ga- 
binius had the greatest influence with him. He went 
so far as to offer him command of the war against 
Tigranes and against Mithridates, and the governor- 
ship of Bithynia and Cilicia at the same time. 

— 43— Now irritation and opposition had developed even 



then on the part of the nobles particularly because b. c. 66 

( (t* tilt uoo I 

Marcius and Acilius were making peace before the 
period of their command had expired. And the popu- 
lace, although a little earlier it had sent the men to es- 
tablish a government over the conquered territory, 
regarding the war as at an end from the letters which 
LucuUus sent them, nevertheless voted to do as Manil- 
ius proposed. Those who urged them most to this 
course were Caesar and Marcus Cicero. These men 
seconded the measure not because they thought it ad- 
vantageous to the state nor because they wished to do 
Pompey a favor. Inasmuch, however, as things were 
certain to turn out that way, Caesar cultivated the good 
will of the multitude; he saw, in the first place, how 
much stronger they were than the senate and further 
he paved the way for a similar vote some time to be 
passed for his own profit. Incidentally, too, he was 
willing to render Pompey more envied and invidious 
as a result of the honors conferred upon him, so that 
the people might get their fill of him more quickly. 
Cicero saw fit to play politics and was endeavoring to 
make it clear to both populace and nobles that to which- 
ever side he should attach himself, he would substan- 
tially benefit them. He was accustomed to fill a double 
role and espoused now the cause of one party and 
again that of the other, to the end that he might be 
sought after by both. A little while before he had said 
that he chose the side of the optimates and for that 
reason wished to be aedile rather than tribune; but 
now he went over to the side of the rabble. Soon after, —44— 
as a suit was instituted by the nobles against Manilius 
and the latter was striving to cause some delay about 



B. c. 66 it, Cicero tried to thwart him, and only after obstinate 
' ' objection did he put off his case till the following day, 

offering as an excuse that the year was drawing to a 
close. He was enabled to do this by the fact that he 
was praetor and president of the court. But since the 
crowd was still discontented he entered their assembly, 
presumably compelled thereto by the tribunes, where 
he inveighed against the senate and promised to speak 
in support of Manilius. For this he fell into ill repute 
generally, and was termed " deserter." [Probably 
spurious : ' ' because Caesar cultivated the populace from 
the beginning, whereas Cicero usually played a double 
part; sometimes he sided with the people, sometimes 
with the assembly, and for this reason he was termed 
* deserter.' " — Mai, p. 552] : but a tumult that imme- 
diately arose prevented the court from being convened. 
Publius Paetus and Cornelius Sulla (a nephew of that 
great Sulla) who had been appointed consids and then 
convicted of bribery, plotted to kill their accusers, 
Cotta and Torquatus, Lucii, especially after the latter 
''-kiija.4^^ tad been c onvicte d in turn. Among others who had 
been suborned were Gnaeus Piso and Lucius Catilrue, a 
man of great audacity; he had himself sought the office 
and was on this account inclined to anger. They were 
unable, however, to accomplish anything because the 
plot was annoimced beforehand and a body-guard 
given to Cotta and Torquatus by the senate. Indeed, a 
decree would have been pronounced against them., had 
not one of the tribunes opposed it. And since even so 
Piso showed signs of audacity, the senate being afraid 
he would cause some riot sent him straightway to 



Spain on the pretext that he was to look after some , B- C- 66 

7 ^ (o. u. 688) 

disorder. He there met his death at the hands of —45 — 
natives whom he had wronged. 

Pompey was at first making ready to sail to Crete 
and to Metellus, and when he learned the decrees that 
had been passed pretended to be annoyed as before, 
and charged the members of the opposite faction with 
always loading business upon him so that he might 
meet some reverse. In reality he received the news 
with the greatest joy, and no longer regarding as of 
any importance Crete or the other maritime points 
wherever anything had been left unsettled, he made 
preparations for the war ^ith the barbarians. 

Meanwhile, wishing to test the disposition of Mith- 
ridates, he sent Metrophanes bearing friendly pro- 
posals to him. Mithridates at that time held him in 
contempt; for Arsaces, king of the Parthians, having 
died about this period he expected to conciliate Phra- 
ates, his successor. But Pompey speedily contracted 
friendship with Phraates on the same terms and per- 
suaded him to invade in advance the Armenia belong- 
ing to Tigranes. When Mithridates ascertained this 
he was alarmed and by means of an embassy immedi- 
ately arranged a treaty. As for Pompey 's command 
that he lay down his arms and deliver up the deserters, 
he had no chance to deliberate ; for the large number of 
deserters who were in his camp hearing it and fear- 
ing they should be delivered up, and the barbarians 
fearing that they should be compelled to fight without 
them, raised an uproar. And they would have done 
some harm to the king, had he not by pretending 



B. c. 66 falsely that lie had sent the envoys not for the truce 
but to spy out the Eoman troops, with difficulty kept 
them in check. 

— 46— Pompey, therefore, having decided that he must 
needs fight, in the course of his other preparations 
made an additional enlistment of the Valerians. 
When he was now in Galatia, LucuUus met him. The 
latter declared the whole conflict over, and said there 
was no further need of an expedition and that for this 
reason also the men sent by the senate for the adminis- 
tration of the districts had arrived. Failing to per- 
suade him to retire Lucullus turned to abuse, stigma- 
tizing him as officious, a lover of war, a lover of office, 
and so on. Pompey, paying him but slight attention, 
forbade every one any longer to obey his commands 
and pressed on against Mithridates, being in haste to 
join issue with him as quickly as possible. 

_47_ The king for a time kept fleeing, since he was in- 
ferior in numbers : he continually devastated the coun- 
try before him, gave Pompey a long chase, and made 
him feel the want of provisions. But when the Roman 
invaded Armenia both for the above reasons and be- 
cause he wanted to capture it while abandoned, Mith- 
ridates fearing it would be occupied before his advent 
also entered the country. He took possession of a 
strong hill opposite and there rested with his entire 
army, hoping to exhaust the Romans by lack of pro- 
visions, while he could get abundance from many 
quarters, being in a subject territory. He kept sending 
down some of his cavalry into the plain, which was 
bare, and injured considerably those who encountered 



them ; after such a movement he would receive large ^- ^- ^6 

„ - . ° {a. u. 688) 

accessions oi deserters. 

Pompey was not bold enough to assail them in that 
position, but he moved his camp to another spot where 
the surrounding country was wooded and he would be 
troubled less by the cavalry and bowmen of his ad- 
versaries, and there he set an ambuscade where an 
opportunity offered. Then with some few he openly 
approached the camp of the barbarians, threw them 
into disorder, and enticing them to the point he wished 
killed a large number. Encouraged by this, he sent 
some one way, some another, over the country after 

When Pompey went on procuring these in safety and i— 48 — 
through certain men's help had become master of the 
land of Anaitis, which belongs to Armenia and is dedi- 
cated to some god after whom it is named, and many 
others kept seceding to him, while the soldiers of Mar- 
cius were added to his force, Mithridates becoming 
frightened no longer kept his position, but immediately 
started unobserved in the night, and thereafter by 
night marches advanced into the Armenia of Tigranes. 
Pompey followed on, eager to secure a battle. This, 
however, he could not do by day, for they would not 
come out of their camp, and he did not venture the at- 
tempt by night, fearing his ignorance of the country, 
until they got near the frontier. Then, knowing that 
they would escape, he was compelled to have a night 
battle. Having decided on this course he started off 
before them at noontime, unobserved of the barbari- 
ans, by the road along which they were to march. 



B. c. 66 Findina: a simken part of the road, between some low 

(o. M. 688) ° ,..-,-,. ii 1 • 1 J 

hills, he there stationed his army on the higher ground 
and awaited the enemy. When the enemy entered the 
sunken way, with confidence and without an advance 
guard (since they had suffered no injury previously 
and now at last were gaining safety, so that they ex- 
pected that the Eomans would no longer follow them), 
he fell upon them in the darkness. There was no il- 
lumination from heaven and they had no kind of light. 
— 49 — The nature of the ensuing battle I will now describe. 
First, all the trumpeters together at a signal sounded 
the attack, next the soldiers and all the multitude 
raised a shout, some rattling their spears against their 
shields, and others stones against the bronze imple- 
ments. The hollowed mountains took up and gave back 
their din with most frightful effect, so that the bar- 
barians, hearing them suddenly in the night and the 
wilderness, were terribly alarmed, thinking they had 
encountered some supernatural phenomenon. Directly 
the Eomans from the heights smote them at all points 
with stones, arrows, and javelins, inevitably wounding 
some by reason of their numbers, and reduced them to 
every extremity of evil. They were not drawn up in 
line of battle, but for marching, and both men and 
women were moving about in the same place with 
horses and camels and all sorts of implements; some 
were borne on coursers, others on chariots, covered 
wagons, and carts indiscriminately; and some getting 
wounded already and others expecting to be wounded 
caused confusion, in consequence of which they were 
more easily slain, since they kept becoming entangled 
one with another. This was what they endured while 



they were still being struck from afar off. But when the b. c. 66 

T~, (o. «. 688) 

Eomans after exhausting their long-distance ammuni- 
tion charged down upon them, the edges of the force 
were slaughtered, one blow sufficing for their death, 
since the majority were unarmed, and the center was 
crushed together, as all by reason of the encompassing 
fear fell toward it. So they perished, pushed about 
and trampled down by one another without being able 
to defend themselves or venture any movement against 
the enemy. For whereas they were strongest in cav- 
alry and bowmen, they were unable to see before them 
in the darkness and unable to make any manoeuvre in 
the defile. 

When the moon rose, some rejoiced, with the idea 
that iu the light they could certainly ward off some one. 
And they would have been benefited a little, if the Eo- 
mans had not had the moon behind them, and so pro- 
duced much illusion both in sight and in action, while 
assailing them now on this side and now on that. For 
the attackers, being many in number and all in one 
body, casting the deepest imaginable shadow, baffled 
their opponents before they had yet come into conflict 
with them. The barbarians thinking them near would 
strike the empty air in vain and when they reached 
common ground would be wounded in the shadow 
where they were not expecting it. Thus numbers of 
them were killed and the captives were not fewer 
than the slain. Many also escaped, among them 

The latter 's next move was to hasten to Tigranes. _5o_ 
On sending couriers to him, however, he found no 
friendship awaiting him, because Tigranes' son had 



B. c. 66 risen against him, and while holding the youth under 
guard^ the father suspected that Mithridates, his 
grandfather, had been responsible for the quarrel. 
For this reason far from receiving him Tigranes even 
arrested and threw into prison the men sent ahead by 
him. Failing therefore of the hoped-for refuge he 
turned aside into Colchis, and thence on foot reached 
Maeotis and the Bosphorus, using persuasion with 
some and force with others. He recovered the terri- 
tory, too, having terrified Machares, his son, who had 
espoused the cause of the Eomans and was then ruling 
it, to such an extent that he would not even come into 
his presence. And him Mithridates caused to be killed 
ithrough his associates to whom he promised to grant 
immunity and money. 

In the course of these events Pompey sent men to 
pursue him: when, however, he outstripped them by 
fleeing across the Phasis, the Roman leader colonized 
a city in the territory where he had been victorious, 
bestowing it upon the wounded and the more elderly of 
his soldiers. Many of those living round about volun- 
tarily joined the settlement and later generations of 
them are in existence even now, being called Nicopoli- 
tans^ and paying tribute to the province of Cappadocia. 

While Pompey was thus engaged, Tigranes, the son 
of Tigranes, taking with him some of the foremost 
men because the father was not mling to suit them, 
fled for refuge to Phraates; and, though the latter, 
in view of the agreements made with Pompey, stopped 
to consider what it was advisable to do, persuaded 

1 Some half dozen words are wanting at this point in the MS. Those 
most easily supplied afford the translation here given. 
2 1, e., " City of Victory." 


— 51 — 


him to invade Armenia. They came, actually, as far ^- ^'ggg, 

as the Artaxatians, subduing all the country before 

them, and assailed those men likewise. Tigranes the 

elder in fear of them had fled to the mountains. But 

since it seemed that time was required for the siege, 

Phraates left a part of the force with his own son and 

retired to his native country. Thereupon the father 

took the field against the young Tigranes, thus isolated, 

and conquered him. The latter, in his flight, set out 

at first for Mithridates, his grandfather; but when 

he learned that he had been defeated and was rather 

in need of aid than able to assist any one, he went over 

to the Eomans. Pompey, employing him as a guide, 

made an expedition into Armenia and agaiast his 


The latter, learning this, in fear immediately sent —52 — 
heralds to him for peace, and delivered up the envoys 
of Mithridates. When, on account of the opposition 
of his son, he could gain no moderate terms, and even 
as things were Pompey had crossed the Araxes and 
drawn near the Artaxatians, then at last Tigranes sur- 
rendered the town to him and came voluntarily into the 
midst of his camp. The old king had arrayed himself 
so far as possible in a way to indicate his former dig- 
nity and his present humbled condition, in order that 
he might seem to his enemy worthy of respect and pity. 
He had put off his tunic shot with white and the all- 
purple candys, but wore his tiara and headband. Pom- 
pey, however, sent an attendant and made him descend 
from his horse; for Tigranes was riding up as if to 
enter the very fortification, mounted on horseback ac- 
cording to the custom of his people. But when the 


-53 — 


B. c. 66 Eoman general saw him entering actually on foot, 
v?ith. fillet cast off, and prostrate on the earth doing 
obeisance, he felt an impulse of pity; so starting up 
hastily he raised him, bound on the headband and 
seated him upon a chair close by, and he encouraged 
him, telling him among other things that he had not 
lost the kingdom of Armenia but had gained the friend- 
ship of the Romans. By these words Pompey restored 
his spirits, and then invited him to dinner. 

But the son, who sat on the other side of Pompey, 
did not rise at the approach of his father nor greet 
him in any other way, and furthermore, though invited 
to dinner, did not present himself. Wherefore he in- 
curred Pompey 's most cordial hatred. Now, on the 
following day, when the Koman heard the recitals of 
both, he restored to the elder all his ancestral domain. 
What he had acquired later, to be sure,— these were 
chiefly portions of Cappadocia and Syria, as well as 
Phoenicia and the large Sophanenian tract bordering 
on Armenia, — he took away, and demanded money of 
htm besides. To the younger he assigned Sophanene 
only. And inasmuch as this was where the treasures 
were, the young man began a dispute about them, and 
not gaining his point — -for Pompey had no other 
source from which to obtain the sums agreed upon — 
he became vexed and planned to escape by flight. 

Pompey, being informed of this beforehand, kept the 
youth under surveillance without bonds and sent to 
those who were guarding the money, bidding them give 
it all to his father. But they would not obey, stating 
that it was necessary for the young man, to whom the 
country was now held to belong, to give them this com- 



mand. Then Pompey sent him to the forts. He, find- , B- ^- £?„, 

, \(l, 11* 088) 

ing them all locked up, approiaxjhed close and reluo 
tantly ordered that they be opened. When the keepers 
obeyed as little as before, asserting that he issued the 
command not of his own free will, but under compul- 
sion, Pompey was irritated and put Tigranes in chains. 

Thus the elder secured the treasures, and Pompey 
passed the winter in the land of Anaitis and near the 
river Cymus, after dividing his army into three por- 
tions. From Tigranes he received plenty of every- 
thing and far more money than had been agreed upon. 
For this reason especially he shortly afterward en- 
rolled the king among his friends and allies and 
brought the latter 's son to Eome under guard. 

The quiet of his winter quarters, however, was not —54— 
imbroken. Oroeses, king of the Albanians dwelling 
beyond the Cymus, made an expedition against them 
just at the time of the Saturnalia. He was impelled 
partly by a wish to do a favor to Tigranes the younger, 
who was a friend of his, but mostly by the fear that 
the Eomans would invade Albania, and he cherished 
the idea that if he should fall upon them in the winter, 
when they were not expecting hostilities and were not 
encamped in one body, he would surely achieve some 
success. Oroeses himself descended upon Metellus 
Celer, in whose charge Tigranes was, and sent others 
against Pompey and against Lucius Flaccus, the com- 
mander of the third division, in order that all might 
be thrown into confusion at once, and so not assist one 

In spite of all, he accomplished nothing at any point; 
Celer vigorously repulsed Oroeses. Flaccus, being 



B. c. 66 unable to preserve the whole circuit of the ditch intact 
(a. a. 688) ^^ of its size, constructed another within it. 
This fixed in his opponents' minds the impression that 
he was afraid, and so he enticed them within an outer 
ditch, where by a charge upon them when they were 
not looking for it he slaughtered many in close conflict 
and many in flight. Meanwhile Pompey, having re- 
ceived advance information of the attempt which the 
barbarians had made on the rest, to their surprise en- 
countered beforehand the detachment that was pro- 
ceeding against him, conquered it, and at once hurried 
on just as he was against Orceses. The latter, indeed, 
he did not overtake; for Orceses, after the repulse by 
Celer, had fled on being informed of the failures of the 
rest ; many of the Albanians, however, he overwhelmed 
near the crossing of the Cyrnus and killed. After this 
he made a truce at their request. For although on 
general principles he was extremely anxious to make 
a return invasion of their country, he was glad to post- 
pone the war because of the winter. 






The following is contained in the Thirty-seventh of Dio's Rome: 

How Pompey fought against the Asiatic Iberians (chap- 
ters 1-7). 

How Pompey annexed Pontus to Bithynia: how Pompey 
brought Syria and Phoenicia under his sway (chapters 8, 9). 

How Mithridates died (chapters 10-14). 

About the Jews (chapters 15-19). 

How Pompey after settling affairs in Asia returned to 
Eome (chapters 20-23). 

About Cicero and Catiline and their transactions (chap- 
ters 24-42). 

About Caesar and Pompey and Crassus and their sworn 
fellowship (chapters 43-68). 

Duration of time, six years, in ■which there were the following 
magistrates, here enumerated: 

L. Aurelius M. f. Cotta, L. Hanlius L. f. (E. C. 65 = 
a. u. 689.) 

L. Caesar, C. Marcius C. f. Figulus. (B. C. 64= a. u. 

M. TuUius M. F. Cicero, O. Antonius M. f. (B. C. 
63 = a. u. 691.) 

Decimus lunius M. f. Silanus, L. Licinius L. f. Murena. 
(B. C. 62 = a. u. 692.) 

M. Pupius M. F. Piso, M. Valerius M. f. Messala Niger. 
(B. C. 61 = a. u. 693.) 

L. Afranius A. f., C. Oseoilius 0. f, Celer. (B. C. 60 
= a.u. 694.) 



The following year after these exploits and in the — i — 
consulship of Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus, he (o. «.'689) 
engaged in warfare against both the Albanians and the 
Iberians. With the latter of these he was compelled 
to become embroiled quite contrary to his plan. The 
Iberians dwell on both sides of the Cymus, adjoin- 
ing on the one hand the Albanians and on the other the 
Armenians. Arthoces, their king, fearing that Pom- 
pey would direct his steps against him, too, sent envoys 
to him on a pretence of peace, but prepared to attack 
the invader at a time when, feeling secure, he should 
be therefore off his guard. Pompey learning of this 
betimes was in good season in making an incursion 
into the territory of Arthoces, ere the latter had made 
ready sufficiently or had occupied the pass on the fron- 
tier, which was well nigh impregnable. He marched 
on, indeed, to the city called Acropolis,* before Ar- 
thoces ascertained that he was at hand. At that 
moment he was right at the narrowest point, where the 
Cymus^ flows on the one side and the Caucasus ex- 
tends on the other, and had fortified the mountain in 
order to guard the pass, Arthoces, panic-stricken, had 
no chance to array his forces, but crossed the river, 
burning down the bridge ; and those within the wall, in 
view of his flight and a defeat they had sustained in bat- 
tle, surrendered. Pompey made himself master of the 

1 Harmastica (=arx dei Armazi) is meant. 

2 The words TOO Kopvou napapp£ovTOS, svffev Se^TeqiiiTed. to fill a gap 
in the sense, are supplied by Bekker on the basis of a previous sug- 
gestion by Reiske. 

VOL. 2 — 4 49 

{a. u. 689) 
— S — 


B. c. 65 thoroughfares, left a garrison in charge of them, and 
advancing from that point subjuga,ted all the territory 
within the river boundary. But when he was on the 
point of crossing the Cyrnus also, Arthoces sent to him 
requesting peace and promising voluntarily to furnish 
him control of the bridge and provisions. Both of 
these promises the king fulfilled as if he intended to 
come to terms, but terrified when he saw his adversary 
already across he fled away to the Pelorus, another 
river that flowed through his dominions. The man 
that he might have hindered from crossing he avoided 
by running away after drawing him on. 

Pompey, seeing this, pursued after, overtook and 
conquered him. By a charge he got into close quarters 
with the enemy's bowmen before they could show their 
skill, and in the briefest time routed them. When 
things took this turn, Arthoces crossed the Pelorus and 
fled, burning the bridge over that stream too: of the 
rest some were killed in hand-to-hand fights, and some 
while fording the river on foot. Many, also, scattered 
through the woods, survived for a few days by shooting 
from the trees, which were exceedingly tail, but soon 
the trees were cut down at the base and they also were 
destroyed. Under these conditions Arthoces again 
sent a herald to Pompey for peace, and forwarded 
gifts. These the other accepted, in order that the king 
in his hope to secure a truce might not proceed farther 
in any direction; but he did not agree to grant peace 
till the petitioner should first convey to him his chil- 
dren as hostages. Thus Pompey waited for a time 
until in the course of the summer the Pelorus became 
fordable in places, and then the Eomans crossed over; 



their passage was especially easy as they met no one b. c. 65 
to hinder them. Then Arthoces sent his children to 
him and finally concluded a treaty. 

Pompey, learning directly that the Phasis was not — 3 — 
distant, decided to descend along its course to Colchis 
and thence to march to the Bosphorus against Mith- 
ridates. He advanced as planned, traversing the ter- 
ritory of the Colchians and their neighbors, using per- 
suasion in some quarters and inspiring fear in others. 
There perceiving that his route on land led through 
many unknown and hostile tribes, and that the sea 
journey was rather difficult on account of the country's 
having no harbors and on account of the people inhab- 
iting the region, he ordered the fleet to blockade Mith- 
ridates so as to watch that the latter did not set sail 
in any direction and to cut off his importation of pro- 
visions, while he himself turned his steps against the 
Albanians. He took what was not the shortest path, 
but went inland to Armenia in order that such action, 
coupled with the truce, might enable him to find them 
not expectiug him. And the Cymus, too, he crossed 
at a point where it had become passable because of 
summer, ordering the cavalry to cross down stream 
with the baggage animals next, and the infantry after- 
ward. The object was that the horses should break 
the violence of the current with their bodies, and if 
even so any one of the pack animals should be swept 
off its feet it might collide with the men going along- 
side and not be carried further down. From there he 
marched to Cambyse without suffering any injury at 
the hands of the enemy, but through the influence of 
the scorchiag heat and consequent thirst he in com- 



B. c. 65 mon with the whole army experienced hardship in his 
{a. u. 689) pj.Qgj,ggg gygji a,t night over the greater part of the 
road. Their guides, being some of the captives, did not 
lead them by the most suitable route, and the river 
was of no advantage to them; for the water, of which 
they drank great quantities, was very cold and made a 
number sick. 

When no resistance to them developed at this place 
either, they marched on to the Abas, carrying supplies 
of water only; everything else they received by the free 
gift of the natives, and for this reason they committed 
no depredations. 
—4— After they had already got across the river, Orceses 
was announced as coming up. Pompey was anxious 
to lead him into conflict somehow before he should find 
out the number of the Romans, for fear that when he 
learned it he might retreat. Accordingly he mar- 
shaled his cavalry first, giving them notice before- 
hand what they should do ; and keeping the rest behind 
them in a kneeling position and covered with their 
shields he made these last remain motionless, so that 
Orceses should not ascertain their presence until he 
came close up. Thereupon the latter, in contempt for 
the cavalry who were alone, as he thought, joined bat- 
tle with them, and when after a little they purposely 
turned to flight, pursued them at full speed. Then the 
infantry suddenly rising stood apart to furnish their 
own men a safe means of escape through their midst, 
but received the enemy, who were heedlessly bent on 
pursuit, and surrounded a number of them. So these 
soldiers cut down those caught inside the circle; and 
the cavalry, some of whom went round on the right 



and some on the other side of them, assailed in the rear b. c. 65 
those outside. Each of these bodies slaughtered many 
in that place and others who had fled into the woods 
they burned to death, and they cried out, ' ' Ha ! ha ! 
the Saturnalia! " with reference to the attack made at 
that festival by the Albanians. 

After accomplishing this and overrunning the coun- _ 5 _ 
try, Pompey granted peace to the Albanians, and on 
the arrival of heralds concluded a truce with some of 
the other tribes that dwell along the Caucasus as far as 
the Caspian Sea, where the mountains, which begin at 
the Pontus, come to an end. Phraates likewise sent 
to him, wishing to renew the covenants. The sight of 
Pompey 's onward rush and the fact that his lieuten- 
ants were also subjugating the rest of Armenia and 
that region of Pontus and that Gabinius had advanced 
across the Euphrates as far as the Tigris filled him 
with fear of them, and he was anxious to confirm the 
agreement. He effected nothing, however. Pompey, 
in view of the existing conditions and the hopes which 
they inspired, held him in contempt and replied scorn- 
fully to the ambassadors, among other things demand- 
ing back the territory of Corduene, concerning which 
Phraates was having a dispute with Tigranes. When 
the envoys made no answer, inasmuch as they had re- 
ceived no instructions on this point, he wrote a few 
words to Phraates, but instead of waiting for any 
answer suddenly despatched Afranius into the terri- 
tory, and having occupied it without a battle gave it to 

Afranius, returning through Mesopotamia to Syria, 
■contrary to the agreement made with the Parthian, 



B. c. 65 wandered from the way and endured much evil by rea^ 
son of the winter and lack of supplies. Indeed, he 
would have perished, had not Carraeans, colonists of 
the Macedonians who dwelt somewhere in that vicinity, 
supported him and helped him forward. 

—6— This was the treatment that Pompey^ out of the full- 
ness of his power accorded Phraates, thereby indicat- 
ing very clearly to those desiring personal profit that 
everything depends on armed force, and he who is 
victorious by its aid wins inevitably the right to lay 
down what laws he pleases. Furthermore, he did vio- 
lence to the title of that ruler, in which Phraates de- 
lighted before all the world and before the Romans 
themselves, and by which the latter Tiad always ad- 
dressed him. For whereas he was called " king of 
kings," Pompey clipped off the phrase " of kings " 
and wrote " to the king," with merely that direction, 
in spite of the fact that he had given this title to the 
captive Tigranes even contrary to their custom 
when he celebrated the triumph over him in Eome. 
Phraates, consequently, although he feared and was 
subservient to him, was vexed at this, feeling that he 
had been deprived of the kingdom ; and he sent ambas- 
sadors, reproaching him with all the injustice he had 
done, and forbade him to cross the Euphrates. 

— 7 — As Pompey made no reasonable reply, the other im- 
mediately instituted a campaign in the spring against 
Tigranes, being accompanied by the latter 's son, to 

B. c. 64 whom he had given his daughter in marriage. This 
(o. u. 690) ^^g ^ ^YiQ consulship of Lucius Caesar and Gains Figu- 

1 The words 6 dk Iloinz^ioi at the opening of chapter 6 were supplied 
by Bekker. 



lus. In the first battle Phraates was beaten, but later B. c. 64 

... . , . , . , , ,„. . {a. u. 690) 

was victorious m has turn. And when Tigranes in- 
voked the assistance of Pompey, who was in Syria, he 
sent ambassadors to the Roman commander, making 
many accusations and throwing out numerous hints 
against the Romans, so that Pompey was both ashamed 
and alarmed. As a result the latter lent no aid to Ti- 
granes and took no hostile measures against Phraates, 
giving as an excuse that no such expedition had been 
assigned to him and that Mithridates was still in arms. 
He declared himself satisfied with what had been ef- 
fected and said that he feared ia striving for additional 
results he might meet with reverses, as had LucuUus. 

Such was the trend of his philosophy: he main- 
tained that to make personal gains was outrageous 
and to aim at the possessions of others unjust, as soon 
as he was no longer able to use them. Through dread 
of the forces of the Parthian, therefore, and fear of 
the unsettled state of affairs he did not take up this 
war in spite of many solicitations. As for the bar- 
barians' complaints, he disparaged them, offering no 
counter-argument, but asserting that the dispute which 
the prince had with Tigranes concerned some bounda- 
ries, and that three men should decide the case, for 
them. These he actually sent, and they were enrolled, 
as arbitrators by the two kings, who then settled all 
their mutual complaints. For Tigranes was angry at 
not having obtained assistance, and Phraates wished 
the Armenian ruler to survive, so that in case of need 
he might some day have him as an ally against the 
Romans. They both understood well that whichever 
of them should conquer the other would simply help 



B. c. 6'4 on matters for the Romans and would liimself become 
easier for them to subdue. For these reasons, then, 
they were reconciled. 

Pompey passed the winter in Aspis, winning over 
the sections that were still resisting, and took Sym- 
phorion,* a fort which Stratonice betrayed to him. She 
was the wife of Mithridates, and in anger toward him 
because she had been abandoned sent the garrison out 
pretendedly to collect supplies and let the Romans in, 

although her child was with" 

— 8— [not (?)] for this alone 

(of if' 689) ^^ ^is SBdUeship he (C. Jul. Caesar) received praise, 
but because he had also conducted both the Roman and 
the Megalesian games on the most expensive scale and 
had further arranged contests of gladiators in the most 
magnificent manner. Of the sums expended on them 
a portion was raised by biTn in conjunction with his 
colleague Marcus Bibulus, but another portion by him 
privately; and his individual expenditure on the spec- 

1 Properly called Sinoria. 

2 A gap exists in the Medicean MS. because the first leaf in the 
third quaternion is lacking. The omission may be partly filled out from 
Xiphilinus (p. 7) : 

" He returned from Armenia and arbitrated disputes besides con- 
ducting other business for kings and potentates who came to him. He 
confirmed some in possession of their kingdoms, added to the prin- 
cipalities of others, and curtailed and humbled the excessive powers 
of a few. Hollow Syria and Phoenicia which had lately ridden them- 
selves of their rulers and had been made the prey of the Arabians and 
Tigranes were united. Antiochus had dared to ask them back, but 
he did not secure them. Instead, they were combined into one province 
and received laws so that their government was carried on in the 
Roman fashion." 

As to the words at the end of chapter 7, "although her child was 
■with," an inkling of their significance may be had from Appian, 
Mithridates, chapter 107> Stratonice had betrayed to Pompey a treasurer 
house on the sole condition that if he should capture Xiphares, a 
favorite son of hers, he should spare him. This disloyalty to Mithridates 
enraged the latter, who gained possession of the youth and slew him, 
while the mother beheld the deed of revenge from a distance. 



tacles so much surpassed, that he appropriated to him- b. c. 65 

self the glory for them, and was thought to have taken 

the whole cost on himself. Even Bibulus joked about 

it, saying that he had suffered the same fate as Pollux : 

for, although that hero possessed a temple in common 

with his brother Castor, it was named only for the 


All this contributed to the Eomans' joy, but they — 9 — 
were quite disturbed at the portents of that year. On 
the Capitol many statues were melted by thunderbolts, 
among other images one of Jupiter, set upon a pillar, 
and a likeness of the she-wolf with Eomulus and 
Eemus, mounted on a pedestal, fell down; also the let- 
ters of the tablets on which the laws were inscribed ran 
together and became indistinct. Accordingly, on the 
advice of the soothsayers, they offered many expiatory 
sacrifices and voted that a larger statue of Jupiter 
should be set up, looking toward the east and the 
Forum, in order that the conspiracies by which they 
were distraught might dissolve. 

Such were the occurrences of that year. The censors 
also became involved in a dispute regarding the dwell- 
ers beyond the Po : one thought it wise to admit them to 
citizenship, and another not ; so t^y did not perform 
any of their duties, but resigned their office. Their 
successors, too, did nothing in the following year, for 
the reason that the tribunes hindered them in regard to 
the list of the senate, in fear lest they themselves 
should be dropped from that assembly. Meantime all 
those who were resident aliens in Rome, except those 
who dwelt in what is now Italy, were banished on the 
motion of one Gains Papius, a tribune, because they 



B. c. 65 were getting to be in the majority and were not thought 
(o. u. 689) g^ persons to dwell among the citizens. 

— 10— In the ensuing year, with Figulus and Lucius Caesar 
(a. '«.' 690) in office, notable events were few, but worthy of remem- 
brance in view of the contradictions in human affairs. 
For the man* who had slain Lucretius at the instance 
of Sulla and another^ who had murdered many of the 
persons proscribed by him were tried for the slaughter 
and punished, — Julius Csesar being most instrumental 
in bringing this about. Thus the changes of affairs 
often render those once thoroughly powerful exceed- 
ingly weak. But though this matter went contrary to 
the expectation of the majority, they were equally sur- 
prised that CatUiue, who had incurred guilt on those 
same grounds (for he, too, had put out of the way 
many similar persons) , was acquitted. The result was 
that he became far worse and for that reason also 

B. c. 63 perished. For, when Marcus Cicero was consul with 

(a. u. 691) ^ ' 

Gams Antonius, and Mithridates no longer inflicted 
any injury upon the Eomans but had destroyed, his: 
own self, Catiline undertook to set up a new govern- 
ment, and by bandiag together the allies against the 
state threw the people into fear of a mighty conflict. 
Now each of these occurrences came about as follows. 
— 11 — Mithridates himself did not give way under his dis- 
asters, but trustiug more iu his will than in his power, 
especially while Pompey was lingeriag in Syria, 
planned to reach the Ister through Scythia, and from 
that point to invade Italy. As he was by nature given 
to great projects and had experienced many failures 

1 L. Annvus BelUenua. 
2 L. Luadus. 



and many successes, lie regarded nothing as beyond his ^- ^- ^^ 
ability to venture or to hope. If he missed he preferred 
to perish conjointly with his kingdom, with pride un- 
blemished, rather than to live deprived of it in inglori- 
ous humility. On this idea he grew strong. For in 
proportion as he wasted away through weakness of 
body, the more steadfast did he grow in strength of 
mind, so that he even revived the infirmity of the for- 
mer by the reasonings of the latter. 

The rest who were his associates, as the position of 
the Eomans kept getting always more secure and that 
of Mithridates weaker,— among other things the great- 
est earthquake that had ever occurred destroyed many 
of their cities — became estranged; the military also 
mutinied and unknown persons kidnapped some of his 
children, whom they conveyed to Pompey. 

Thereupon he detected and punished some ; others he — 12 — 
chastised from mere suspicion : no one could any longer 
trust him ; of his remaining children, even, he put to 
death one of whom he grew suspicious. Seeing this, 
one of his sons, Pharnaces, impelled at once by fear 
of the king and an expectation that he would get the 
kingdom from the Eomans, being now of man's estate, 
plotted against him. He was detected, for many both 
openly and secretly meddled constantly with all he was 
doing ; and if the body-guard had had even the slightest 
good will toward their aged sovereign, the conspirator 
would immediately have met his just deserts. As it 
was, Mithridates, who had proved himself most wise in 
all matters pertaining to a king, did not recognize the 
fact that neither arms nor multitude of subjects are of 
any value to any one, without friendship on the part of 



B. c. 63 the people; nay, the more dependents a person has 
(unless he holds them faithful to him) the greater bur- 
den they are to him. At any rate Phamaces, followed 
both by the men he had made ready in advance, and by 
those whom his father had sent to arrest him (and 
these he very easily made his own) hastened straight 
on against the father himself. The old king was in 
Panticapaeum when he learned this, and sent ahead 
some soldiers agaiust his son, saying that he himself 
would soon follow them. These also Pharnaces quickly 
diverted from their purpose, inasmuch as they did not 
love Mithridates either, and after receiving the volun- 
tary submission of the city, put to death his father, who 
had fled for refuge into the palace. 

— 13— The latter had tried to make way with himself, and 
after removing beforehand by poison his wives and 
remaining children, he had swallowed what was left to 
the last drop. Neither by that means nor by the sword 
was he able to induce death with his own hands. For 
the poison, although deadly, did not prevail over him, 
since he had inured his constitution to it, taking every 
day precautionary antidotes in large doses: and the 
force of the sword blow was lessened on account of the 
weakness of his hand, caused by his age and the iater- 
ference of those around him, and on account of the 
effect of the poison, of whatever sort it was. When, 
therefore, he failed to pour out his life through his own 
efforts and seemed to linger beyond the proper time, 
those whom he had sent against his son fell upon him 
and hastened his end with swords and spear points. 
Mithridates, who had experienced the most varied and 
tremendous fortune, found the close of his life equally 


— 14 — 


far from being simple. He desired to die against his ^■^- ^^ 
■will, and though, anxious to kill himself was not ahle ; 
but first by poison and then by the sword at once be- 
came a suicide and was slain by his foes. 

Phamaces embalmed his body and sent it to Pompey 
as a proof of what had been done, and surrendered 
himself and his dominions. The Eoman showed Mith- 
ridates no indignity, on the contrary commandiag that 
he be buried among the graves of his ancestors; for, 
feeling that his hostility had been extinguished with his 
life, he indulged in no vain anger against the dead 
body. The kingdom of Bosporus, however, he granted 
to Pharnaces as the wages of his bloody deed, and en- 
rolled him among his friends and allies. 

After the death of Mithridates all portions of his 
dominions, except a few, were subjugated. Garrisons 
which at that date were still holding a few fortifica- 
tions outside of Bosporus, did not immediately 
come to terms, — not so much because they were 
minded to resist him as because they were afraid that 
some persons might confiscate beforehand the money 
which they were guarding and lay the blame upon 
them : hence they waited, wishing to exhibit everything 
to Pompey himself. When, then, the regions in that 
quarter had been subdued, and Phraates remained 
quiet, while Syria and Phoenicia were in a state of 
calm, the conqueror turned against Aretas. The lat- 
ter was king of the Arabians, now slaves to the Romans 
as far as the Eed Sea. Previously he had done the 
greatest injury to Syria and had on this account be- 
come involved in a battle with the Eomans who were 
defending it: he was defeated by them, but neverthe- 


— 15- 


B. c. 63 less continued hostile at that time. Upon him and his 

(O. u. 691) 

neighbors Pompey made a descent, overcame them 
without effort, and handed them over to a garrison. 
Thence he proceeded against Palestine, in Syria, be- 
cause its inhabitants were harming Phoenicia. Their 
rulers were two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, 
who^ were themselves quarreling, as it chanced, and 
stirring up the cities concerning the priesthood (for so 
they called their kingdom) of their Grod, whoever he is, 
Pompey immediately brought to his side without a 
battle Hyrcanus, who had no force worthy of note, and 
by confining Aristobulus in a certain spot compelled 
him to come to terms. And when he would surrender 
neither money nor garrison,'' Pompey threw him into 
prison. After this he more easily overcame the rest, 
but in the siege of Jerusalem found trouble. Most of 
the city he took without exertion, as he was received 
by the party of Hyrcanus, but the temple itself, which 
the others had occupied in advance, he did not capture 
without labor. It was on high ground and strength- 
ened by its own defences, and if they had continued 
defending it on all days alike, he could not have got 
possession of it. As it was, they made an exception 
of what were called the days of Saturn,' and by doing 
no work at all on them offered the Romans an oppor- 
tunity in this vacant interval to batter down the wall. 
The latter on learning this superstition of theirs, made 
no serious attempt the rest of the time, but on those 
days, when they came around in succession, assaulted 

1 Or " and these were " (according to the MS. reading selected) . 

2 Xiphilinua adds : " after approaching and offering him this." 
31. e., Jehovah. 




most vigorously. Tlius the holders were captured on. b. c. 63 
the day of Saturn, making no defence, and all the 
money was plundered. The kingdom was given to 
Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus was carried back to Eome. 

This was the course of events at that time in Pales- 
tine. That is the name that has been applied from of 
old to the whole race, which extends from Phoenicia to 
Egypt along the inner sea. They have also another 
name that has been acquired, — i. e., the country has 
been called Judaea, and the people themselves Jews. I — 17 — 
do not know from what source this title was first given 
them, but it applies also to all the rest of mankind, 
although of foreign race, who cherish their customs. 
This nation exists among the Eomans also, and though 
often diminished has increased to a very great extent 
and has won its way to the right of freedom in its ob- 
servances. They are distinguished from the rest of 
mankind in every detail of life, so to speak, and espe- 
cially by the fact that they do not honor any of the 
usual gods, but reverence mightily one particular 
divinity. They never had any statue in Jerusalem 
itself, but believing him to be inexpressible, invisible, 
they worship bim in the most extravagant fashion on 
earth. They built to him a temple that was extremely 
large and beautiful, except in so far as it was void and 
roofless, and dedicated the day called the day of Sat- 
urn, on which, among many other most peculiar ac- 
tions, they undertake no serious occupation. 

Now as for him, who he is and why he has been so 
honored, and how they got their superstition about 
him, accounts have been given by many, no one of 
which pertains to this history. 



^^^T^ The custom of referring the days to the seven stars 

B, C 63 

(o. u. 691) called planets was established by the Egyptians, but 
has spread to all men, though it was instituted com- 
paratively not long ago. At any rate the original 
Greeks in no case understood it, so far as I am aware. 
But since it is becoming quite habitual to all the rest 
of mankind and to the Romans themselves, and this 
is to them already in a way an hereditary possession, 
I wish to make a few brief statements about it, telling 
how and in what way it has been so arranged. 

I have heard two accounts, in general not difficult 
of comprehension, and containing some one's theories. 
If one apply the so-called " principle of the tetra- 
chord " (which is believed to constitute the basis of 
music) in order to these stars, by which the whole uni- 
verse of heaven is divided into regular intervals, as 
each one of them revolves, and beginning at the outer 
orbit assigned to Saturn, then omitting the next two 
name the master of the fourth, and after him passing 
over two others reach the seventh, and in the return 
cycle approach them and the presiding gods in this 
same way calling them by the names of the days, 
one will find all the days to be in a kind of musical 
connection with the arrangement of the heavens. 
_ 19 _ This is one of the accounts : the other is as follows. / 
If you begin at the first one to count the hours of the 
day and of the night, assigning the first to Saturn, the 
next to Jupiter, the third to Mars, the fourth to Sol,* 
the fifth to Venus, the sixth to Mercury, and the sev- 
enth to Lima,* according to the order of the cycles 

1 Sol and Luna: or, the sun and moon. The words appear in the 
text without any article and may be personified. 



which the Egyptians observe in their system, and if b. c. 63 

. ., •' ' {a. u. 691) 

you repeat the process, covering thus the twenty-four 

hours, you will find that the first hour of the following 
day comes to the sun. And if you carry on the opera- 
tion throughout the next twenty-four hours, by the 
same method as outlined above, you will consecrate the 
first hour of the third day to the moon, and if you pro- 
ceed similarly through the rest, each day will receive 
the god that appertains to it. This, then, is the tra- 

Pompey, when he had accomplished what has been —20— 
related, went again to the Pontus and after taking 
charge of the forts returned to Asia and thence to 
Greece and Italy. He had won many battles; had 
brought into subjection many potentates and kings, 
some by going to war with them and some by treaty, 
he had colonized eight cities, had created many lands 
and sources of revenue for the Eomans, and had estab- 
lished and organized most of the nations in the con- 
tinent of Asia then belonging to them with their own 
laws and governments, so that even to this day they use 
the laws that he laid down. 

1 Dio attempts in chapters 18 and 19 to explain why the days of the 
week are associated with the names of the planets. It should be borne 
in mind that the order of the planets with reference to their distance 
from the earth (counting from farthest to nearest) is as follows: 
Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon. The custom of 
naming the days may then have arisen, he says, (1) by regarding the 
gods as originally presiding over separate days assigned by the prin- 
ciple of the tetrachord (i. e., skipping two stars in your count each 
time as you go over the list) so that you get this order: the day of 
Saturn, of the Sun, of the Moon, of Mars, of Mercury, of Jupiter, of 
Venus (Saturday to Friday, inclusive); or (2) by regarding the gods 
as properly gods of the hours, which are assigned in order, beginning 
with Saturn, as in the list above, — and allowing it to be understood 
that that god who is found by this system to preside over the first hour 
shall also give his name to the day in question. 

VOL. 2 — 5 65 


B. c. 63 But although, these achievements were great and had 
been equaled by no earlier Eoman, one might ascribe 
them both to good fortune and to his fellow campaign- 
ers. The performance for which credit particularly 
attaches to Pompey himself, which is forever worthy 
of admiration, I will now proceed to set forth. 

He had enormous power both on sea and on land ; he 
had supplied himself with vast sums of money from 
captives; he had made friends with numerous poten- 
tates and kings; and he had kept practically all the 
communities which he ruled well disposed through ben- 
efits bestowed. And although by these means he might 
have occupied Italy and have taken possession of the 
whole Eoman sway, since the majority would have ac- 
cepted him voluntarily, and if any had resisted they 
would certainly have capitulated through weakness, 
yet he did not choose to do this. Instead, as soon as 
he had crossed to Brundusium he gave up of his own 
accord all his powers, without waiting for any vote 
to be passed concerning the matter by the senate or the 
people, not troubling himself even about using them in 
the course of the triumph. For since he understood 
that the careers of Marius and Sulla were held in abom- 
ination by all mankind, he did not wish to cause them 
any fear even for a few days that they should undergo 
any similar experiences. Consequently he did not so 
much as acquire any name from his exploits, although 
he might have taken many. 

As for the triumphal celebration, — I mean that one 
which is considered the chief,— although according to 
most ancient precedents it is not lawful that it be held 


— 21 — 


without those who aided the victory, he nevertheless b. c. 63 
accepted it, as it had been voted to him. He conducted 
the procession in honor of all his wars at once, includ- 
ing in it many trophies beautifully arrayed to repre- 
sent each of his deeds, even the smallest: and after 
them all came one huge one, arrayed in costly fashion 
and bearing an inscription to the effect that it was a 
World Trophy. He did not, however, add any other 
title to his name, but was satisfied with that of Magnus 
only, which, as is known, he had gained even before 
these achievements. Nor did he get any other extrava- 
gant privilege awarded hitn : only he did use once such 
as had been voted him in absence. These were that he 
should wear the laurel wreath on the occasion of all 
meetings at any time, and should Be clad in the robe 
of office at all of them, as well as in the triumphal garb 
at the horse-races. They were granted him chiefly 
through the cooperation of Caesar, and contrary to the 
judgment of Marcus Cato. 

Regarding the former a statement has already been —22 — 
made as to who he was, and it has been related^ that 
he cultivated the common people, and while generally 
striving to depose Pompey from his high position, still 
made a friend of him in cases where he was sure of 
pleasing the populace and gaining influence himself. 
But this Cato belonged to the family of the Porcii and 
emulated the great Cato, except that he had enjoyed a 
better Greek education than the former. He pro- 
moted assiduously the interests of the multitude and 

1 See Book Thirty-six, chapter 43. 



^- 0. 63 admired no one man, being excessively devoted to the 
common weal; suspicions of sovereignty, he hated 
everything that had grown above its fellows, but loved 
everything mediocre through pity for its weakness. 
He showed himself a passionate adherent of the popu- 
lace as did no one else, and indulged in outspokenness 
beyond the limits of propriety, even when it involved 
danger. All this he did not with a view to power or 
glory or any honor, but solely for the sake of a life of 
independence, free from the dictation of tyrants. Such 
was the nature of the man who now for the first time 
came forward before the people and opposed the meas- 
ures under consideration, not out of any hostility to 
Pompey, but because they transgressed time-honored 

— 23— These honors, then, they granted Pompey in his ab- 
sence, but none when he had come home, though they 
would certainly have added others, had he wished it; 
upon some other men, indeed, who had been less suc- 
cessful than he, they often bestowed many extravagant 
distinctions. That they did so unwillingly, however, is 

Pompey knew well that all the gifts granted by the 
common people to those who have any influence and are 
in positions of authority contain the suggestion, no 
matter how willingly they are voted, of having been 
granted through force applied out of the resources of 
the strong. He knew that such honors bring no glory 
to those who receive them, because it is believed that 
they were obtained not from willing donors, but under 



compulsion, and not from good will, but as a result of , ^- ^- f ^ , 

' o > {a. u. 691) 

flattery. Hence he did not permit any one to propose 
any measure whatever. This course he declared far 
better than to reject what has been voted to one. The 
latter method brought hatred for the high position that 
led to such measures being passed, and connoted arro- 
gance and insolence in not accepting what is granted by 
your superiors or at all events by your peers. By the 
former method you possessed in very fact the demo- 
cratic name and behavior both, not indicated but exist- 
ent. For having received almost all the offices and 
positions of command contrary to ancient precedent, he 
refused to accept all such others as were destined to 
bring him only envy and hatred even from the very 
givers, without enabling him to benefit any one or be 

All this took place in course of time. Temporarily —24 — 
the Eomans had a respite from war for the remainder 
of the year, so that they even held the so-called cm- 
gurium salutis after a long interval. This is a kind 
of augury, which consists of an enquiry whether the 
god allows them to request welfare for the State, as if 
it were unholy even to make a request for it until the 
action received sanction. That day of the year was ob- 
served on which no army went out to war, or was taking 
defensive measures against any, or was fighting a 
battle. For this reason, amid the constant perils 
(especially those of a civil nature), it was not held. In 
general it was very difficult for them to secure exactly 
the day which should be free from all those disturb- 



B. c. 63 ances, and furthermore it was most ridiculous, when 

(a. u. 691) ' ' 

they were voluntarily causing one another unspeaka- 
ble woes through factional conflicts and were destined 
to suffer Uls whether they were beaten or victorious, 
that they should still ask safety from the divine power. 

— 25 — Notwithstanding, it was in some way possible at that 

time for the divination to be held, but it did not prove 
to be pure. Some strange birds flew up and made the 
augury of no effect. Other unlucky omens, too, de- 
veloped. Many thunderbolts fell from a clear sky, the 
earth was mightily shaken, and human apparitions 
were visible in many places, and in the West flashes 
ran up into heaven, so that any one, even an ignorant 
fellow, was bound to know in advance what was signi- 
fied by them. For the tribunes united with Antonius, 
the consul, who was much like themselves in character, 
and some one of them supported for office the children 
of those exiled by Sulla, while a second was for grant- 
ing to Publius Paetus and to Cornelius Sulla, who had 
been convicted with him, the right to be members of the 
senate and to hold office. Another made a motion for a 
cancellation of debts, and for allotments of land to be 
made both in Italy and in the subject territory. These 
motions were taken in hand betimes by Cicero and 
those who were of the same mind as he, and were 
quashed before any action resulted from them. 

— 26 — Titus Labienus, however, by indicting Gains Eabir- 

ius for the murder of Satuminus caused them the 
greatest disorder. For Saturninus had been killed 
some thirty-six years earlier, and the steps taken 



against liim by the consuls of the period had been at , ^- ^- ^^. ^ 

^ yd, u, tsyi) 

the direction of the senate : as a result of the present 
action the senate was likely to lose authority over its 
votes. Consequently the whole system of government 
was stirred up. Eabirius did not admit the murder, 
but denied it. The tribunes were eager to overthrow 
completely the power and the reputation of the senate 
and were preparing for themselves in advance au- 
thority to do whatever they pleased. For the calling to 
account of acts that had received the approval of the 
senate and had been committed so many years before 
tended to give immunity to those who were undertaking 
anything similar, and curtailed the punishments they 
could inflict. Now the senate in general thought it 
shocking for a man of senatorial rank who was guilty 
of no crime and now well advanced in years to perish, 
and were all the more enraged because the dignity 
of the government was being attacked, and control of 
affairs was being entrusted to the vilest men. Hence —27 — 
arose turbulent exhibitions of partisanship and conten- 
tions about the court, the one party demanding that it 
should not be convened and the other that it should 
sit. When the latter party won, because of Caesar and 
some others, there was strife again regarding the trial. 
Csesar himself was judge with Lucius Caesar; for the 
charge against Rabirius was not a simple one, but the 
so-called perduellio: — and they condemned him, al- 
though they had not been chosen according to pre- 
cedent by the people, but by the praetor himself, which 
was not permitted. Eabirius yielded, and wolild cer- 



B. C. 63 tainly have been convicted before tbe popular court 

(o. u. 691) '' 

also, had not Metellus Celer who was an augur and 
praetor hindered it. For since nothing else would make 
them heed him and they were unconcerned that the trial 
had been held in a manner contrary to custom, he ran 
up to Janiculum before they had cast any vote what- 
ever, and pulled down the military signal, so that it 
was no longer lawful for them to reach a decision. 
— 28— Now this matter of the signal is about as follows. 
In old times there were many enemies dwelling near 
the city, and the Romans (according to the account) 
fearing that while they were holding an assembly foes 
might occupy Janiculum to attack the city decided that 
not all should vote at once, but that some men under 
arms should by turns always guard that spot. So 
they garrisoned it as long as the assembly lasted, but 
when it was about to be dissolved, the signal was pulled 
down and the guards departed. Regularly no business 
was any longer allowed to be transacted unless the post 
were garrisoned. It was permissible only in the case 
of assemblies which collected by companies, for these 
were outside the wall and all who had arms were 
obliged to attend them. Even to this day it is done 
from religious grounds. 

So on that occasion, when the signal was pulled down, 
the assembly was dissolved and Eabirius saved. La- 
bienus, indeed, had the right to go to court again, but 
he did not do this. 

As for Catiline, his ruin was accomplished in the 
foUowing way and for the reasons which I shall nar- 



rate. He had been seekinff the consulship even then, b. c. 63 

J . . . '(».«• 691) 

and contriving every conceivable way to get appointed, 
when the senate decreed, chiefly at the instance of 
Cicero, that a banishment of ten years should be added 
by law to the penalties imposed for bribery. Catiline 
thought, as was doubtless true, that this ruling had 
been made on his accoi^t, and planned, by collecting 
a small band, to slay Cicero and some other foremost 
men on the very day of the election^ in order that he 
might immediately be chosen consul. This project he 
was unable, however, to carry out, Cicero learned of 
the plot beforehand, informed the senate of it, and de- 
livered a long accusation against him. Being unsuc- 
cessful, however, in persuading them to vote any of the 
measures he asked — this was because his announce- 
ment was not regarded as credible and he was sus- 
pected of having uttered false charges against the men 
on account of personal enmity — Cicero became fright- 
ened, seeing that he had given Catiline additional pro- 
vocation, and he did not venture to enter the assembly 
alone, as had been his custom, but he took his friends 
along prepared to defend him if any danger threat- 
ened ; and he wore for his own safety and because of 
their hostility a breastplate beneath his clothing, which 
he would purposely uncover. For this reason and be- 
cause anyway some report had been spread of a plot 
against him, the populace was furiously angry and the 
fellow conspirators of Catiline through fear of him 
became quiet. 
In this way new consuls were chosen, and Catiline no —so — 



, ^' ^' f^, V longer directed his plot in secret or against Cicero and 

{a. u. 691) o xr- o 

his adherents only, but against the whole common- 
•wealth. He assembled from Eome itself the lowest 
characters and snch as were always eager for a revolu- 
tion and as many as possible of the allies, by promising 
them cancellation of debts, redistribution of lands, and 
everything else by which he was most likely to allure 
them. Upon the foremost and most powerful of them 
(of whose number was Antonius the consul) he im- 
posed the obligation of taking the oath in an unholy 
manner. He sacrificed a boy, and after administering 
the oath over his entrails, tasted the inwards in com- 
pany with the rest. Those who cooperated with him 
most were : In Rome, the consul and Publius Lentulus, 
who, after his consulship, had been expelled from the 
senate (he was now acting as praetor, in order to gain 
senatorial rank again) ; at Faesute, where the men of his 
party were collecting, one Gains Mallius, who was most 
experienced in military matters (he had served with 
Sulla's centurions) and the greatest possible spend- 
thrift. Everything that he had gained at that epoch, 
although a vast sum, he had consumed by evil practices, 
and was eager for other similar exploits. 
— 31— While they were making these preparations, infor- 
mation came to Cicero, first of what was occurring in 
the city, through some letters which did not indicate 
the writer but were given to Crassus and some other 
influential men. On their publication a decree was 
passed that a state of disorder existed and that a search 
should be made for those responsible for it. Next came 



the news from Etruria, whereupon they voted to the B. c. 63 

1 .■,,.,. , {a. u. 691) 

consuls in addition the guardianship of the city and of 

all its interests, as they had been accustomed to have : 
for to this decree was subjoined the command that they 
should take care that no injury happen to the republic. 
"When this had been done and a garrison stationed at 
many points, there was no further sign of revolution in 
the city, insomuch that Cicero was even falsely charged 
with sycophancy; but messages from the Etruscans 
confirmed the accusation, and thereupon he prepared 
an indictment for violence against Catiline. 

The latter at first accepted it with entire readiness —32 — 
as if supported by a good conscience, and made ready 
for the trial, even offering to surrender himself to 
Cicero so that the latter could watch and see that he did 
not escape anywhere. As Cicero, however, refused to 
take charge of him, he voluntarily took up his residence 
at the house of Metellus the praetor, in order that he 
might be as free as possible from the suspicion of pro- 
moting a revolution until he should gain some addi- 
tional strength from the conspirators in that very town. 
But he made no headway at all, because Antonius 
through fear shrank back and Lentulus was anything 
but an energetic sort of person. Accordingly, he gave 
them notice to assemble by night in a particular house, 
where he met them without Metellus 's knowledge and 
upbraided them for their timorousness and weakness. 
Next he set forth in detail how great punishments they; 
would suffer if they were detected and how many de- 
sirable things they would obtain if successful, and by 
this means so encouraged and incited them, that two 



B. c. 63 ijrign promised to rush into Cicero's house at daybreak 

{a. u. 691) ^ •' 

and murder him there. 

— 33— Information of this, too, "w^as given in advance: for 

Cicero, being a man of influence, had through his 
speeches by either conciliation or intimidation gained 
many followers, who reported such occurrences to him : 
and the senate voted that Catiline should leave the city. 
The latter was glad enough to withdraw on this excuse 
and went to Faesulae, where he prepared an out and out 
war. He took the consular name and dress and pro- 
ceeded to organize the men previously collected by Mal- 
lius, meanwhile gaining accessions first of freemen, and 
second of slaves. 

The Romans consequently condemned him for vio- 
lence, ordered Antonius to the war (being ignorant, of 
course, of their conspiracy), and themselves changed 
their apparel. The crisis kept Cicero likewise where he 
was. The government of Macedonia had fallen to him 
by lot, but he did not set out for that country, — retiring 
in favor of his colleague on account of his occupation in 
the prosecutions, — nor for Hither Gaul, which he had 
obtained in its place, on axjcount of the immediate situa- 
tion. Instead, he charged himself with the protection 
of the city, but sent Metellus to Gaul to prevent Catiline 
from alienating it. 

— 34— It was extremely well for the Romans that he re- 

mained. For Lentulus made preparations to bum 
down the city and commit wholesale slaughter with 
the aid of his fellow conspirators and of Allobroges, 
who chanced to be there on an embassy : these also he 



persuaded to join Mm* and the others implicated in the .^■^- ^| 
revolution in their undertaking. The consul learning of 
their purpose arrested the men sent to carry it out and 
brought them with their letter into the senate-cham- 
ber, where, by granting them immunity, he proved all 
the conspiracy. As a consequence Lentulus was forced 
by the senate to resign the praetorship, and was kept 
xmder guard along with the others arrested while the 
remnant of the society was being sought for. These 
measures pleased the populace equally: especially so, 
when, during a speech of Cicero's on the subject, the 
statue of Jupiter was set up on the Capitol at the very 
time of the assembly, and by instructions of the sooth- 
sayers was placed so as to face the East and the Forum.' 
For these prophets had decided that some conspiracy 
would be brought to light by the erection of the statue, 
and when its setting up coincided with the time of the 
conspirators' arrest, the people magnified the divine 
power and were the more angry at those charged with 
the disturbance. 

A report went abroad that Crassus was also among —35 — 
them, and one of the men arrested, too, gave this infor- 
mation ; still, not many believed it. Some, in the first 
place, thought they had no business to suspect him of 
such a thing; others regarded it as a trumped-up 
charge emanating from the guilty parties, in order that 
the latter might thereby get some help from him, be- 
cause he possessed the greatest iafluence. And if it 
did seem credible to any persons, at least they did not 

1 After " join Mm " there is a gap in the MS. The words necessary 
to complete this sentence and to begin the next were supplied by Eeiske. 



/ ^- ^- »n, V see fit to ruin a man who was foremost among them 

(O. M. 691) . 

and to disquiet the city still more. Consequently tins 
charge fell through utterly. 

Now many slaves, and freemen as well, some through 
fear and others for pity of Lentulus and the rest, made 
preparations to deliver them all forcibly and rescue 
them from death. Cicero learned of this beforehand 
and occupied the Capitol and Forum betimes by night 
with a garrison. At dawn he received from above an 
inspiration to hop© for the best : for in the course of 
sacrifices conducted in his house by the Vestals in be- 
half of the populace, the fire, contrary to custom, shot up 
in a tongue of great length. Accordingly, he ordered 
the praetors to administer an oath to the populace and 
have them enlisted, in case there should be any need of 
soldiers, and meanwhile himself convened the senate: 
then, by throwing them into agitation and fright, he 
persuaded them to condemn to death the persons held 
under arrest. 

At first the senators had been at variance, and came 
near setting them free. For while all before Caesar 
had voted that they should be put to death, he gave his 
decision that they should be imprisoned and deported 
to various cities after having their property confis- 
cated, with the condition that there should be no fur- 
ther deliberation about immunity for them, and if any 
one of them should run away, he should be considered 
among the enemies of that city from which he fled. 
Then all who subsequently made known their opinions, 
ixntU it came to Cato, cast this vote, so that some of the 
first also changed their minds. But the fact that Cato 


— 36 — 


himself gave a sentence of death against them caused B- C- 63 

( da Ut VO 1 ) 

all the rest to vote similarly. So the conspirators were 
punished by the decision of the majority and a sacrifice 
and period of festival over them was decreed,— some- 
thing that had never before happened from any such 
cause. Others, also, against whom information was 
lodged, were sought out and some incurred suspicion 
and were held to account for merely intending to join 
that party. The consuls managed most of the investi- 
gations, but Aulus Fulvius, a senator, was slain by his 
own father; and some think that the latter was not 
the only private individual who did this. There were 
many others, that is, not only consuls but persons in 
private life, who killed their children. This was the —37 — 
course of affairs at that time. 

The priestly elections, on motion of Labienus sup- 
ported by Caesar, were again referred by the people to 
popular vote, contrary to the law of Sulla, but in re- 
newal of the law of Domitius. Caesar at the death of 
Metellus Pius was eager for his priesthood, al- 
though young and not having served as praetor. Best- 
ing his hopes of it upon the multitude, therefore, 
especially because he had helped Labienus against 
Eabirius and had not voted for the death of Lentulus, 
he took the above course. And he was appointed pon- 
tifex maximus, in spite of the fact that many others, 
Catulus most of all, were his rivals for the honor. This 
was because he showed himself perfectly ready to serve 
and flatter every one, even ordinary persons, and he 
spared no speech or action for getting possession of 

the objects for which he strove. He paid no heed to 



B. c. 63 temporary groveling when weighed against subsequent 
power, and he cringed as before superiors to those 
men whom he was planning to dominate. 

—38— Toward Caesar, accordingly, for these reasons, the 
masses were well disposed, but their anger was directed 
against Cicero for the death of the citizens, and they 
displayed their enmity in many ways. Finally, when 
on the last day of his office he desired to give a defence 
and account of all that had been done in his consulship, 

— for he took great pleasure not only in being praised, 
by others, but also in extolling himself, — they made 
him keep silence and did not allow him to utter a word 
outside of his oath ; in this they had Metellus Nepos, the 
tribune, to aid them. Only Cicero, in violent protesta- 
tion, did take an additional oath that he had saved the 

— 39 — city. For that he incurred all the greater hatred, 
(af i^ 692) Catiline met his doom at the very opening of the 
year in which Junius Silanus and Lucius Licinius held 
office. For a while, although he had no small force, 
he watched the movements of Lentulus and delayed, in 
the hope that if Cicero and his adherents should be 
slain in good season he could easUy execute his remain- 
ing designs. But when he ascertained that Lentulus 
had perished and that many of his followers had de^ 
serted for that reason, he was compelled to risk the 
uttermost, especially as Antonius and Metellus Celer, 
who were besiegiug Fsesulae, did not allow him to ad- 
vance in any direction. He proceeded, therefore, 
against Antonius — the two were separately encamped 

— although the latter had greater renown than Metel- 
lus and was invested with greater power. The reason 



was that Catiline had hopes of his letting himself be , ^- C- 62 

^ ° (o. u. 692) 

beaten in order to fulfill the demands of his oath. 

The latter, who suspected this, no longer felt kindly 
toward Catiline, because he was weak; for most men 
form both friendships and enmities with reference to 
persons' influence and to individual advantage. Fur- 
thermore, being afraid that the arch-conspirator, when 
he saw them fighting earnestly, might utter some re- 
proach and bring to light things that should not be men- 
tioned, he pretended to be sick and confided the conduct 
of the battle to Marcus Petreius. This commander —40-- 
joined battle with them and not without bloodshed cut 
down Catiline and three thousand others while fighting 
most valiantly. No one of them fled, but every man fell 
at his post. Even the victors mourned their common 
loss, inasmuch as they had destroyed (no matter 
how justly) so many and such brave men, who were citi- 
zens and allies. His head Antonius sent to the city in 
order that its inhabitants might believe in his death 
and have no further fear. He himself was named 
imperator for the victory, although the number of the 
slaughtered was smaller than usual. Sacrifices of oxen 
were also voted, and the people changed their raiment 
to signify their deliverance from all dangers. 

Nevertheless, the allies who had shared the under- _4i_ 
taking with Catiline and still survived after that did 
not remain quiet, but through fear of punishment cre- 
ated disturbances. Against each division of them 
praetors were sent, overcame them in season, while still 
in a way scattered, and punished them. Others that 
VOL. 2 — 6 81 


/ ^" ^" £1 were avoiding observation were convicted and con- 

(o. u. 692) ° 

demned on information from Lucius Vettius, a kniglit, 
who had taken part in the conspiracy but now on prom- 
ise of immunity revealed them. This went on until, 
after having impeached some men and written their 
names on a tablet, he desired the privilege of writing in 
others. The senators suspected that he was not deal- 
ing fair and would not give him the document again 
for fear he should erase some names, but had him men- 
tion orally all he had omitted. Then in shame and fear 
he made known only a few others. 

Since even under these circumstances disquietude 
prevailed in the city and among the allies through 
ignorance of the persons named, and some were need- 
lessly troubled about themselves, while some incor- 
rectly suspected others, the senate decreed that the 
names! be published. As a result the innocent regained 
composure and judgments were pronounced upon those 
called to account. Some were present to be condemned, 
and others let their cases go by default. 
—42— Such was the career of Catiline and his downfall 
which, owing to the reputation of Cicero and the 
speeches delivered against him, brought him a greater 
name than his deeds deserved. Cicero came near be- 
ing tried immediately for the killing of Lentulus and the 
other prisoners. This complaint, though technically 
brought against him, was really directed against the 
senate. For among the populace its members were sub- 
ject to denunciations of the utmost virulence voiced by 
Metellus Nepos, to the effect that they had no right to 
condemn any citizen to death without the consent of 



the people. But Cicero had no trouble at that time. , b. c. 62 
The senate had granted immuiiity to all those who ad- 
ministered affairs during that period and had further 
proclaimed that if any one should dare to call any one 
of them to account again, he should be in the category 
of a personal and public enemy; so that Nepos was 
afraid and aroused no further tumult. 

This was not the senate's only victory. Nepos had —43 — 
moved that Pompey be summoned with his army (he 
was still in Asia), pretendedly for the purpose of bring- 
ing calm to the existing conditions, but really in hope 
that he himself might through him get power in the 
disturbances he was causing, because Pompey favored 
the multitude: this plan the senators prevented from 
being ratified. For, to begin with, Cato and Quiatus 
Minucius in their capacity as tribunes vetoed the prop- 
osition and stopped the clerk who was reading the 
motion. Nepos took the document to read it himself, 
but they snatched it away, and when even so he under- 
,took to make some oral remarks they laid hold of his 
mouth. The result was that a battle with sticks and 
stones and even swords took place between them, in 
which some others joined who assisted both sides. 
Therefore the senators convened in session that very 
day, changed their togas and gave the consuls charge 
of the city, " that it suffer no injury." Then even 
Nepos was afraid and retired immediately from their 
midst: subsequently, after publishing some piece of 
writing against the senate, he set out to join Pompey, 
although he had no right to be absent from the city a 
single night. 



~**~ After this occTxrrence Caesar, who was now praetor, 

JO, \j, o2 

,(o. u. 692) likewise showed no further revolutionary tendencies. 
He effected the removal of tlie name of Catulus from 
the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus — he was calling him 
to account for theft and was demanding an account of 
the money he had spent — and the entrusting to Pom- 
pey of the construction of the remainder of the edifice. 
For many details, considering the size and character of 
the work, were but half finished. Or else Caesar pre- 
tended it was so, iu order that Pompey might gain the 
glory for its completion and inscribe his name instead. 
He was not, to be sure, so ready to do him a favor as 
to submit to having passed concerning himself some' 
decrees similar to that regarding Nepos. He did not, 
in fact, act thus for Pompey 's sake, but in order that 
he might ingratiate himself with the populace. StUl, 
as it was, all feared Pompey to such an extent, seeing 
that it was not yet clear whether he would give up his 
legions, that when he sent ahead Marcus Piso, his lieu- 
tenant, to seek the consulship, they postponed the eleo- 
tions in order that the latter might attend them, and on 
his arrival elected him unanimously. For Pompey had 
recommended the man not only to his friends, but also 
to his enemies. 

It was at this time that Publius Clodius debauched 
Caesar's wife in her house and during the performance 
of the secret rites which according to ancestral prece- 
dent the Vestals carried out at the residences of con- 
suls and praetors in behalf of the whole male popula- 
tion. Caesar brought no charge against him, under- 
standing well that on account of his connections he 


— 45 — 


would not be convicted, but divorced his wife, telling , ^- ^11,, 
her that he did not really believe the story but that he 
could no longer live with her inasmuch as she had been 
suspected of committing adultery at all: a chaste wo- 
man must not only not err, but not even incur any evil 

Following these events the stone bridge, called the 
Fabrician, leading to the little island in the Tiber was 
constructed. The next year in the consulship of Piso —46 — 

B C 61 

and Marcus Messala, the men in power showed their («.'«.' 693) 
hatred of Clodius and at the same time made expia- 
tion for his pollution by delivering him to the court, 
after the pontifices had decided that the rites because 
of his act had not been duly performed and should be 
annulled. He was accused of adultery, in spite of 
Caesar's silence, and of desertion at Nisibis and fur- 
thermore of having had guilty relations with his sister : 
yet he was acquitted, although the juries had requested 
and obtained of the senate a guard to prevent their 
suffering any harm at his hands. Eegarding this Cat- 
ulus said jestingly that they had asked for the guard 
not in order to condemn Clodius with safety, but in 
order to preserve for themselves the money which they 
had received in bribes.* The author of this speech died 
shortly after, — a man who had always, more conspicu- 
ously than his predecessors, held democracy in honor 
above everything. That year the censors enrolled in 
the senatorial body all who had attained oflficej even 
teyond the proper number. Until then, too, the popu- 

1 Cobet (Mnemosyne N. S., X, p. 195) thinks that there ia here a 
reminiscence of Cicero, Ad Atticum, I, 16, 5. 



B. c. 61 lace had watched unbroken, series of armed combats, 
but now they introduced the custom of going out to take 
lunch in the course of the entertainment. This prac- 
tice which began at that time continues even now, when 
the person in authority exhibits games. 

_47_ This was the course of affairs in the city. Gaul in 
the vicinity of Narbo was being devastated by the 
AUobroges, and Grains Pomptinus, its governor, sent 
his lieutenants against the enemy, but himself made a 
stand at a convenient spot from which he could keep 
watch of what occurred; this would enable him to give 
them opportune advice and assistance, as their advan- 
tage might from time to time dictate. 

Manlius Lentitius made a campaign against the city 
of Valentia and terrified the inhabitants so, that the 
majority ran away and the rest sent ambassadors for 
peace. Just then the country population coming to 
their aid suddenly fell upon him; and he was repulsed 
from the wall, but ravaged the land with impunity until 
Catugnatus, the commander of their whole tribe, and 
some others of the dwellers across the Isar brought 
them help. For the time being he did not dare to 
hinder them from crossing, by reason of the number of 
the boats, for fear they might gather in a body on see- 
ing the Romans arrayed against them. As the country 
was wooded, however, right down to the river bank, he 
planted ambuscades in it, and captured and destroyed 
them as fast as they crossed. While following up some 
fugitives he fell in with Catugnatus himself, and would 
have perished with all his force, had not the advent of 



a violent storm detained the barbarians from pursuit, b. c. 61 

{a. u. 693) 

Later, when Catugnatus had gone away to some dis- _48_ 
tant place, Lentinus overran the country again, and 
seized and razed to the ground the wall where he had 
met with mishap. Also, Lucius Marius and Servius 
Galba crossed the Rhone and after damaging the pos- 
sessions of the Allobroges finally reached the city of 
Solonium^ and occupied a strong position commanding 
it. Li the battle they conquered their opponents and 
•set fire to the fortification, a portion of which was of 
wood : they did not, however, capture it, being hindered 
by the appearance of Catugnatus. Pomptinus, on re- 
ceipt of this news, proceeded against him with his 
entire force, and besieged and got possession of the 
inhabitants all except Catugnatus. After that he more _ 49 _ 
easily subjugated the remaining portions. b. c. 60 

{a. u. 694) 

At this juncture Pompey entered Italy and had Lu- 
cius Afranius and Metellus Celer appointed consuls, 
vainly hoping that through them he could effect what- 
ever he desired. Among his chief wishes was to have 
some land given to him for the comrades of his cam- 
paigns and to have all his acts approved ; but he failed 
of these objects at that time, because those in power, 
who were formerly not pleased with him^ prevented the 
questions being brought to vote. And of the consuls 
themselves Afranius (who understood how to dance 
better than to transact any business) did not unite with 
him for any purpose, and Metellus, in anger that Pom- 

lOr Solo (according to the Epitome of the one hundred and third 
Book of Livy). 



(of if ' 694) ^^^ ^^^ divorced Ms sister in spite of having had chil- 
dren by her, consistently opposed him in everything. 
Moreover, Lucius Lucullus whom Pompey had once 
treated contemptuously at a chance meeting in Gaul was 
greatly incensed against him, bidding him give an ac- 
count individually and separately of everything he had 
done instead of demanding a ratification for all of his 
acts at once. He said it was only fair to refuse to let 
absolutely everything that Pompey had done, as to the 
character of which no one knew anything, be confirmed ; 
it was unjust to treat them like deeds performed by 
some master. When he (Lucullus) had finished any of 
his own undertakings, he was accustomed to ask that an 
investigation of each one be made in the senate, in 
order that the senators might ratify whichever suited 
them. Lucullus was strongly supported by Cato and 
Metellus and the rest who had the same wishes as they. 
— 50— Accordingly, when the tribune who moved that land 
be assigned to the adherents of Pompey added to the 
proposition (in order that they might more readily 
vote this particular measure and ratify his acts) that 
the same opportunity be afforded all the citizens as 
well, Metellus contested every point with him and at- 
tacked the tribune to such an extent that the latter had 
him put in a cell. Then Metellus wished to assemble 
the senate there. When the other — his name was 
Lucius Flavins — set the tribune's bench at the very 
entrance of the cell and sitting there became an ob- 
stacle to any one's entrance, Metellus ordered the wall 
of the prison to be cut through so that the senate might 



have an entrance through it, and made preparations , b. c. 60 

° r- j:- (a. u. 694) 

to pass the night where he was. Pompey, on learning 
of this, in shame and some fear that the populace might 
take offence, directed Flavius to withdraw. He spoke 
as if this were a request from Metellus, but was not 
believed: for the latter 's pride was well known to all. 
Indeed, Metellus would not give his consent when the 
other tribunes wished to set him free. He would not 
even yield when Flavius threatened him again that he 
would not allow him to go out to the province which he 
had obtained by lot unless he should assist the tribune 
in putting the law through : on the contrary he was very 
glad to remain in the city. 

Pompey, therefore, since he could accomplish nothiug 
because of Metellus and the rest, said that they were 
jealous of him and that he would let the people know of 
this. Fearing, however, that he should miss their sup- 
port as well, and so be subjected to still greater shame, 
he abandoned his original aims. Thus he learned that 
he had no power in reality, but only the reputation and 
envy resulting from his former authority, which on 
the other hand afforded him no actual benefit; and he 
repented of having let his legions go and of having 
delivered himself to his enemies. 

Clodius 's hatred^ of the influential men led him after — 51 — 
the trial to desire to be tribune, and he induced some of 
those who held that office to move that a share in it be 
given to the patricians also. As he could not bring 
this about, he abjured his noble rank and changing his 

1 Supplying rd /xiffeiv (as v. Herwerden, Boissevain). 



^' ^" 6941 tactics set out to obtain the prerogatives of the popu- 
lace, and was even enrolled in their list. Immediately 
he sought the tribuneship but was not appointed, owing 
to the opposition of Metellus, who was related to him 
and did not like his actions. The excuse that MeteUus 
gave was that the transference of Clodius had not been 
in accord with tradition; this change had been per- 
mitted only at the time when the lex curiata was iatro- 
duced. Thus ended this episode. 

Since now the taxes were a great oppression to the 
city and the rest of Italy, the law that abolished them 
caused pleasure to all. The senators, however, were 
angry at the praetor who proposed it (Metellus Nepos 
was the man) and wished to erase his name from the 
law, entering another one instead. Although this plan 
was not carried out, it was stUl made clear to all that 
they received not even benefits gladly from inferior 
men. About this same time Faustus, son of Sulla, gave 
a gladiatorial combat in memory of his father and en- 
tertained the people brilliantly, fumishuig them with 
baths and oil gratis. 

— 52 — While this happened iu the city, Caesar had obtained 
the government of Lusitania after his praetorship : and 
though he might without any great labor have cleared 
the land of brigandage (which probably always ex- 
isted there) and then have kept quiet, he refused to 
do so. He was eager for glory, emulating Pompey 
and his other predecessors who at one time had held 
great power, and he harbored no small designs ; it was 
his hope, in case he should at that time accomplish any- 
thing, to be immediately chosen consul and show the 



people deeds of magnitude. That hope was based ^- ^- ^^ 
more especially upon the fact that in Gades, when he 
was praetor, he had dreamed of intercourse with his 
mother, and had learned from the seers that he should 
come to great power. Hence, on beholding there a 
likeness of Alexander dedicated in the temple of Her- 
cules he had given a groan, lamenting that he had per- 
formed no great work as yet. 

Accordingly, though he might, as I have said, have 
been at peace, he took his way to Mount Herminium 
and ordered the dwellers on it to move into the plain, 
pretendedly that they might not rush down from their 
strongholds and plunder, but really because he well 
knew that they would never do what he asked, and that 
as a result he should get a cause for war. This also 
happened. After these men, then, had taken up arms 
he proceeded to draw them on. When some of the 
neighbors, fearing that he would betake himself against 
them too, carried off their children and wives and most 
valuable possessions out of the way across the Dorius, 
he first occupied their cities, where these measures 
were being taken, and next joined battle with the men 
themselves. They put their flocks in front of them, 
so that the Romans might scatter to seize the cattle, 
whereupon they would attack them. But Caesar, neg- 
lecting the quadrupeds, took the men by surprise and 
conquered them. Meanwhile he learned that the inhab- — 63 — 
itants of Herminium had withdrawn and were intend- 
ing to ambuscade him as he returned. So for the time 
being he returned by another road, but again made an 
attempt upon them in which he was victorious and pur- 



, ^" '^- ^P. V sued them in flight to the ocean. When, however, they 

(a. u. 694) ° . 

abandoned the mainland and crossed over to an island, 
he stayed where he was, for his supply of boats was not 
large. He did put together some rafts, by means of 
which he sent on a part of his army, and lost numerous 
men. The person in command of them had advanced 
to a breakwater which was near the island and had 
disembarked the troops with a view to their crossing 
over on foot, when he was forced off by the flood tide 
and put out to sea, leaving them in the lurch. All of 
them died bravely defending themselves save Publius 
Scaefius, the only one to survive. Deprived of his shield 
and wounded in many places he leaped into the water 
and escaped by swimming. These events occurred all 
at one time. Later, Caesar sent for boats from Gades, 
crossed over to the island with his whole army and 
overcame the dwellers there without a blow, as they 
were in poor condition from lack of food. Thence he 
sailed along to Brigantium, a city of Gallaecia, alarmed 
the people (who had never before seen a vessel) by the 
breakers which his approach to land caused, and sub- 
jugated them. 
— 54— On accomplishing this he thought he had gained a 
sufficient means of access to the consulship and set out 
hastily, even before his successor arrived, to the elec- 
tions. He decided to seek the position even before 
asking for a triumph, since it was not possible to hold 
a festival beforehand. He was refused the triumph, 
for Cato opposed him with might and main. How- 
ever, he let that go, hoping to perform many more and 
greater exploits and celebrate corresponding triumphs, 



if elected consul. Besides the omens previously re- ,„^- *-'-PP^, 

^ ■' (a. u. 694) 

cited, on which, he at all times greatly prided himself, 
■was the fact that a horse of his had been born with 
clefts in the hoofs of its front feet, and bore him 
proudly, whereas it would not endure any other rider. 
Consequently his expectations were of no small char- 
acter, so that he willingly resigned the triumphal cele- 
bration and entered the city to canvass for office. Here 
he courted Pompey and Crassus and the rest so skill- 
fully that though they were still at enmity with each 
other, and their political clubs were likewise, and 
though each opposed everything that he learned the 
other wished, he won them over and was unanimously 
appointed by them all. This evidences his cleverness 
in the greatest degree that he should have known and 
arranged the occasions and the amount of his services 
so well as to attach them both to him when they were 
working against each other. 

He was not even satisfied with this, but actually —es — 
reconciled them, not because he was desirous of having 
them agree, but because he saw that they were the most 
powerful persons. And he understood well that with- 
out the aid of both or of one he could never come to any 
great power ; but if he should make a friend of merely 
either one of them, he should by that fact find the 
other his antagonist and should suffer more reverses 
through him than he would win success by the sup- 
port of the other. For, on the one hand, it seemed to 
him that all men work more strenuously against their 
enemies than they cooperate with their friends, not 
merely as a corollary of the fact that anger and hate 



B. c. 60 impel more earnest endeavor than any friendsliip. but 

(O. u. 694) ^ J 1.1 

also because, when one man works for himself, and a 
second for another, success does not hold a like amount 
of pleasure or failure of pain in the two cases. Per 
contra he reflected that it was handier to get in peo- 
ple's way and prevent their reaching any prominence 
than to be willing to lead them tp great heights. The 
chief reason for this was that he who keeps another 
from attaining magnitude pleases others as well as 
himself, whereas he who exalts another renders him 
burdensome to both those parties. 
— 56— These reasons led Caesar at that time to insinuate 
himself into their good graces, and subsequently he 
reconciled them with each other. He did not believe 
that without them he could either attain permanent 
power or fail to offend one of them some time, and had 
equally little fear of their harmonizing their plans and 
so becoming stronger than he. For he understood per- 
fectly that he should master other people immediately 
through their friendship, and a little later master them 
through the agency of each other. And so it was.^ 
Pompey and Crassus, the moment they entered into his 
plan, themselves made peace each with the other as 
if of their own accord, and took Caesar into partnership 
respecting their designs. Pompey, on his side, was 
not so strong as he had hoped to be, and seeing that 
Crassus was in po\yer and that Caesar's influence was 
growing feared that he should be utterly overthrown 

1 The following sentence : " For these reasons, then, he had both 
united them and won them over " is probably an explanatory insertion, 
made by some copyist. (So Bekker.) 



by them : but be bad tbe additional bope that if be made , ^- ^- ^" , 

•' ' ^ (a. u. 694) 

tbem sbarers in present advantages, be sbould "win 
back bis old autbority tbrougb tbem. Crassus thougbt 
that be sbonld properly surpass tbem all by reason of 
bis family as well as bis wealtb; and since be was far 
inferior to Pompey and tbougbt tbat Caesar would 
rise to great beigbts, be desired to set tbem in op- 
position one to tbe otber, in order tbat neitber of tbem 
sbould bave tbe upper band. He expected tbat tbey 
would be evenly matcbed antagonists and in tbis event 
be would get tbe benefit of tbe friendship of eacb and 
gain honors beyond both of tbem. For without sup- 
porting in all respects either the policy of the populace 
or that of tbe senate be did everything to advance bis 
own supremacy. Thus it happened that he did both 
of tbem equal services and avoided tbe enmity of 
Ciither, promoting on occasion whatever measures 
pleased both to such an extent as was likely to give 
him tbe credit for everything that went to the liking of 
the two, without any share in more unpleasant issues. 

Thus the three for these reasons cemented friend- —57 — 
ship, ratified it with oaths, and managed public affairs 
by their own influence. Next they gave and received 
in turn, one from another, whatever they set their 
hearts on and was in view of the circumstances suit- 
able to be carried out by tbem. Their harmony caused 
an agreement also on the part of their political fol- 
lowers: these, too, did with impunity whatever they 
wished, enjoying tbe leadership of their superiors to- 
ward any ends, so that few traces of moderation re- 


— 58 — 


B. 0. 60 mained and those only in Cato and in any one else who 
(o. u. 694) •' _ "^ . 

wished to seem to hold the same opinions as did he. No 
one in that generation took part in politics from pure 
motives and without any individual desire of gain ex- 
cept Cato. Some were ashamed of the acts committed 
and others who strove to imitate him took a hand in 
affairs in places, and manifested something of the same 
spirit : they were not persevering, however, inasmuch 
as their efforts sprang from cultivation of an attitude 
and not from innate virtue. 

This was the condition into which these men brought 
the affairs of Eome at that time while they concealed 
their sworn fellowship as much as possible. They did 
whatever had approved itself to them, but fabricated 
and put forth the most opposite motives, in order that 
they might still lie concealed for a very lon^ time till 
their preparations should be sufficiently made. 

Yet Heaven was not ignorant of their doings, and it 
straightway revealed plainly to those who could under- 
stand any such signs all that would later result from 
their domination. For of a sudden such a storm came 
down upon the whole city and all the land that quan- 
tities of trees were torn up by the roots, many houses 
were shattered, the boats moored in the Tiber both 
near the city and at its mouth were sunk, and the 
wooden bridge destroyed, and a small theatre built 
of timbers for some assembly was overturned, and 
in the midst of all this great mmibers of human beings 
perished. These portents appeared in advance,— an 
image, as it were, of what should befall the people both 
on land and on water. 




VOL. 2—7 97 

The following is contained in the Thirty-eighth of Dio's Borne: 

How Csesar and Bibulus fell to quarreling (chapters 

How Oieero was exiled (ehapters 9-17). 

How Philisous consoled Cicero in the matter of his exile 
(ehapters 18-30). 

How Osesar fought the Helvetii and Ariovistus (chapters 

Duration of time, two years, in which there were the following 
magistrates, here enumerated: 

C. lulius C. F. Csesar, M. OalpumiusH C. f. Bibulus]]. 
(B. 0. 59 = a. u. 695.) 

||L. Calpumius|] L. f. Piso, A. Gabinius A. f. (B. C. 
58 = a. u. 696.) 

The names within the parallel lines are lacking in the MSS., but 
were inserted by Palmer (and Boissevain). 



Tlie following year Cajsar wished to court the favor — i — 

, 1 1 . B. C. 59 

of the entire multitude, that he might make them his (a. u. 695) 
own to an even greater degree. But since he was 
anxious to seem to be advancing also the interests of 
the leading classes, so as to avoid getting into enmity 
with them, he often told them that he would 
measure which would not advantage them also. Now 
there was a certain proposition about the land which 
he was for assigning to the whole populace, that he had 
framed in such a way as to incur no little censure for 
it. However, he pretended he would not introduce this 
measure, either, unless it should be according to their 
wishes. So far as the law went, indeed, no one could 
find fault with him. The mass of the citizens, which 
was unwieldly (a feature which more than any other 
accounted for their tendency to riot), was thus turning 
in the direction of work and agriculture; and most of 
the desolated sections of Italy were being colonized 
afresh, so that not only those who had been worn out 
in the campaigns, but also all of the rest should have 
subsistence a plenty, and that without any individual 
expense on the part of the city or any assessment of 
the chief men ; rather it included the conferring of both 
rank and office upon many. He wanted to distribute all 
the public land except Campania — this he advised 
their keeping distinct as a public possession, because of 
its excellence — and the rest he urged them to buy 



B. c. 59 not from any one who was unwilling to sell nor again 
for so large a price as the settlers might wish, but first 
from people who were willing to dispose of their hold- 
ings and second for as large a price as it had been 
valued at in the tax-lists. They had a great deal of sur- 
plus money, he asserted, as a result of the booty which 
Pompey had captured, as well as from the new^ trib- 
utes and taxes just established, and they ought, inas- 
much as it had been provided by the dangers that 
citizens had incurred, to expend it upon those very 
persons. Furthermore he was for constituting the 
land commissioners not a small body, to seem like an 
oligarchy, nor composed of men who were laboring un- 
der any legal indictment,^ lest somebody might be dis- 
pleased, but twenty to begin with, so that many might 
share the honor, and next those who were most suitable, 
except himself. This point he quite insisted should be 
settled in advance, that it might not be thought that he 
was making a motion on his own account. He himself 
was satisfied with the conception and proposal of the 
matter ; at least he said so, but clearly he was doing a 
favor to Pompey and Crassus and the rest. 

_8_ So far as the motion went, then, he escaped censure, 
so that no one, indeed, ventured to open his mouth in 
opposition : for he had read it aloud beforehand in the 
senate, and calling upon each one of the senators by 
name had enquired his opinion, for fear that some one 

1 Reading TcpoaxaTaaTdvTmv (as Boissevain). 

2 The reading here has been subjected to criticism (compare Naber 
in Mnemosyne, XVI, p. 109 ) , but see Cicero, De Leg% Agrwria 2, 9, 24 
and Monunsen, Staatsrecht, P, 468, 3. 



miglit liave some fault to find ; and he promised to , B- c. 59 

_ » t- (a, M. 695) 

frame differently or even erase entirely any clause 
which might not please any person. Still on the whole 
quite all the foremost men who were outside the plot 
were irritated. And this very fact troubled them most, 
that CaBsar had compiled such a document that not one 
could raise a criticism and yet they were all cast down. 
They suspected the purpose with which it was being 
done, — that he would bind the multitude to him as a 
result of it, and have reputation and power over all 
men. For this reason even if no one spoke against 
him, no one expressed approval, either. This sufficed 
for the majority and they kept promising him that 
they would pass the decree: but they did nothing; on 
the contrary, fruitless delays and postponements kept 
arising. As for Marcus Cato, who was in general an — 3— 
upright man and displeased with any innovation but 
was able to exert no influence either by nature or by 
education, he did not himself make any complaint 
agednst the motion, but without going into particulars 
urged them to abide by the existing system and take no 
steps beyond it. At this Caesar was on the point of drag- 
ging Cato out of the very senate-house and casting him 
into prison. The latter gave himself up quite readily 
to be led away and not a few of the rest followed him; 
one of them, Marcus Petreius, being rebuked by Caesar 
because he was taking his departure before the senate 
was yet dismissed, replied : "I prefer to be with Cato 
in his cell rather than here with you. ' ' Abashed at this 
speech Caesar let Cato go and adjourned the senate, 



. ^- ^•ggg, saying only this much, in passiag: " I have made you 
judges and lords of the law so that if anything should 
not suit you, it need not be brought iuto the public as- 
sembly ; but since you are not willing to pass a decree, 
that body itself shall decide." 
~ ~~ Thereafter he communicated to the senate nothing 
further under this head but brought directly before the 
people whatever he desired. However, as he wished 
even under these circumstances to secure as sympathiz- 
ers some of the foremost men in. the assembly, hoping 
that they had now changed their minds and would be 
a little afraid of the populace, he began with his col- 
league and asked him if he criticised the provisions of 
the law. When the latter made no answer save that he 
would endure no innovations in his own office, Caesar 
proceeded to supplicate him and persuaded the multi- 
tude to join him in his request, saying: " You shall 
have the law if only he wishes it." 

Bibulus with a great shout replied : " You shall not 
have this law this year, even if all of you wish it." 
And having spoken thus he took his departure. 

Caesar did not address any further enqtdries to per- 
sons in office, f eariag that some one of them might also 
oppose him ; but he held a conference with Pompey and 
Crassus, though they were private citizens, and bade 
them make known their views about the proposition. 
This was not because he failed to imderstand their at- 
titude, for all their undertakings were in common ; but 
he purposed to honor these men in that he called them 
in as advisers about the law when they were holding 



no office, and also to stir terror in the rest by se- , b. c. 59 

' •' (o. M. 695) 

curing the adherence of men who were admittedly the 
foremost in the city at that time and had the greatest 
influence with all. By this very move, also, he would 
please the multitude, by giving proof that they were 
not striving for any unusual or unjust end, but for ob- 
jects which those great men were willing both to scru- 
tinize and to approve. 

Pompey, accordingly, very gladly addressed them as — 5 — 
follows : * ' Not I alone, Quirites, sanction the propo- 
sition, but all the rest of the senate as well, seeing that 
it has voted for land to be given, aside from the part- 
ners of my campaign, to those who formerly followed 
Metellus. At that time, indeed, since the treasury had 
no great means, the granting of the land was naturally 
postponed ; but at present, since it has become exceed- 
ingly rich through my efforts, it behooves the senators 
to redeem their promise and the rest to reap the fruit 
of the common toils." After these remarks he went 
over in detail every feature of the proposition and ap- 
proved them all, so that the crowd was mightily 
pleased. Seeing this, Caesar asked him if he would 
willingly lend assistance against those who took the op- 
posite side, and advised the multitude to ask his aid 
similarly for this end. When this was done Pompey 
was elated because both the consul and the multitude 
had petitioned his help, although he was holding no 
position of command. So, with an added opinion of his 
own value and assuming much dignity he spoke at some 
length, finally declaring " if any one dares to raise a 



B. c. 59 sword, I, too, will oppose to him my shield." These 

(d U 695) 7 7 7 X J. •- 

utterances of Pompey Crassus, too, approved. Con- 
sequently even if some of the rest were not pleased, 
most became very eager for the ratification of the law 
when these* men whose reputations were in general 
excellent and who were, according to common opinion, 
inimical to Caesar (their reconciliation was not yet 
manifest) joined ia the approbation of his measure. 
— 6— Bibulus, notwithstanding, would not yield and with 
three tribunes to support him continued to hinder the 
enactment of the law. Finally, when no excuse for de- 
lay was any longer left him, he proclaimed a sacred 
period for all the remaining days of the year alike, 
during which people could not, in accordance with the 
laws, come together for a meeting.* Caesar paid slight 
attention to him and announced an appointed day on 
which they should pass the law. When the multitude 
by night had already occupied the Forum, Bibulus ap- 
peared with the force at his disposal and made his way 
to the temple of the Dioscuri from which Caesar was de- 
livering his harangue. The men fell back before him 
partly out of respect and partly because they thought 
he would not actually oppose them. But when he 
reached an elevated place and attempted to dispute 
with Caesar, he was thrust down the steps, his staves 
were broken to pieces, and the tribunes as well as the 
others received blows and wounds. 

1 The words ^"£(^17 outoi are supplied here by Reiske. 

2 In regard to this matter see Mnemosyne N. S. XIX, p. 106, note 2. 
The article in question is by I. M. J. Valeton, who agrees with Momm- 
Ben's conclusions {Staatsrecht, III, p. 1058, note 2). 



Thus the law was ratified. Bibulus was for the mo- (». '«."695) 
ment satisfied to save his life, but on the following day 
tried in the senate to annul the act; however, he ef- 
fected nothing, for all, subservient to the will of the 
multitude, remained quiet. Accordingly he retired to 
his home and did not again so much as once appear in 
public imtil the last day of the year. Instead he re- 
mained in his house, notifying Csesar through his as- 
sistants on the introduction of every new measure that 
it was a sacred period and by the laws he could right- 
fully take no action during it. Publius Vatinius, a trib- 
ime, indeed undertook to place Bibulus in a cell for 
this, but was prevented from confining him by the op- 
position of his associates in oflfice. However, Bibulus 
in this way put himself out of politics and the tribunes 
belongiag to his party likewise were never again en- 
trusted with any public duty. 

It should be said that Metellus Celer and Cato and —7 — 
through him one Marcus Favonius, who imitated him 
in all points, for a while would not take the oath of 
obedience to the law. (This custom once^ begun, as I 
have stated, became the regular practice in the case of 
other unusual measures also.) A number besides Me- 
tellus, who referred to his title of Nimiidicus, flatly 
declared they would never join in approving it. When, 
however, the day came* on which they were to incur the 

1 Beading wore, with Boissevain. There is apparently a reference 
to the year B. C. 100, and to the refusal of Metellus Numidicus to 
swear to the lex Appuleia. 

2 Following Reiske's arrangement: &S /livTot ^ '^/'■ipa ^xev, iv f 
e/ieXXoy. . , . 



B. c. 59 Btated penalties, they took the oath., either as a result 
(a. M. 695) ^ . 

of the human trait according to which many persons 

utter promises and threats more easily than they put 
anything into execution, or else because they were go- 
ing to be fined to no purpose, without helping the com- 
monwealth at all by their obstinacy. So the law was 
ratified, and furthermore the land of Campania was 
given to those having three or more children. For this 
reason Capua was then for the first time considered a 
Roman colony. 

By this means Caesar attached to his cause the people, 
and he won the knights, as well, by allowing them a 
third part of the taxes which they had hired. All the 
collections were made through them and though they 
had often asked the senate to grant them some satisfac- 
tory schedule, they had not gained it, because Cato and 
the others worked against them. When, then, he had 
conciliated this class also without any protest, he first 
ratified all the acts of Pompey — and in this he met 
no opposition from Lucullus or any one else, — and next 
he put through many other measures while no one op- 
posed him. There was no gainsaying even from Cato, 
although in the prsetorship which he soon after held, 
he would never mention the title of the other's laws, 
which were called the " Julian." While he followed 
their provisions in allotiag the courts he most ridicu- 
lously concealed their names. 

These, then, because they are very many in number 

and offer no contribution to this history, I will leave 

—8— aside. — Quintus Fufius Calenus, finding that the 



votes of all in party contests were promiscuously i^'^'wo) 
mingled, — each of the classes attributing the superior 
measures to itself and referring the less sensible to th© 
others — passed when praetor a law that each should 
cast its votes separately : his purpose was that even if 
their individual opinions could not be revealed^ by 
reason of doing this secretly, yet the views of the 
classes at least might be made known. 

As for the rest, Caesar himself proposed, advised and 
arranged everything in the city once for all as if he 
were its sole ruler. Hence some facetious persons hid 
the name of Bibulus in silence altogether and named 
Caesar twice, and in writing would mention Graiua 
Caesar and Julius Caesar as being the consuls. But in 
matters that concerned himself he managed through 
others, for he guarded most strenuously against the 
contingency of presenting anything to himself. By this 
means he more easily effected everything that he de- 
sired. He himself declared that he needed nothing 
more and strongly protested that he was satisfied with 
his present possessions. Others, believing him a neces- 
sary and useful factor in affairs proposed whatever 
he wished and had it ratified, not only before the popu- 
lace but in the senate itself. I'or whereas the multi- 
tude granted him the government of Ulyricum and of 
Gaul this side of the Alps with three legions for five 
years, the senate entrusted him in addition with Gaul 
beyond the mountains and another legion. Even so, in — 9 — 
fear that Pompey in his absence (during which Aulus 
Gabinius was to be consul) might lead some revolt, he 



B. c. 59 attached to his cause both. Pompey and the other consul, 

(tt. w. 695) 

Lucius Piso, by the bond of kinship : upon the former 
he bestowed his daughter, in spite of having betrothed 
her to another man, and he himself married Piso's 
daughter. Thus he fortified himself on all sides. But 
Cicero and LucuUuSj little pleased at this, undertook 
to kill both CsBsar and Pompey through the medium of 
one Lucius Vettius ; they failed of their attempt, how- 
ever, and all but perished themselves as well. For 
Vettius, being informed agaiust and arrested before he 
had acted, denounced them; and had he not charged 
Bibulus also with being in the plot against the two, 
they would have certainly met some evil fate. As it 
was, inasmuch as in his defence he accused the man 
who had revealed the project to Pompey, he was sus- 
pected of not speaking the truth on other points either, 
but created the impression that the matter had been 
somehow purposely contrived with a view to calumniat- 
ing the opposite party. About these details some spread 
one report and others another, but nothing was defi- 
nitely proven. Vettius was brought before the popu- 
lace and after naming only those whom I have men- 
tioned was thrown into prison, where not much later 
he was treacherously murdered. 
— 10— In consequence of this Cicero became an object of 
suspicion on the part of Caesar and Pompey, and he 
strengthened their conjecture in his defence of An- 
tonius. The latter, in his governorship of Macedonia, 
had committed many outrages upon the subject ter- 
ritory as well as the section that was under truce, and 



had been well chastised in return. He ravaged the b. c. 59 

(a. u. 695) 

possessions of the Dardani and their neighbors and 
then did not dare to withstand their attack, but pre- 
tending to retire with his cavalry for some other pur- 
pose took to flight; in this way the enemy surrounded 
his infantry and drove them out of the country with 
violence, taking away their plunder from them besides. 
When he tried the same tactics on the allies in Mcesia 
he was defeated near the city of the Istrianians by the 
Bastamian Scythians who came to their aid; and 
thereupon he decamped. It was not for this conduct, 
however, that he was accused, but he was indicted for 
conspiracy with Catiline ; yet he was convicted on the 
former charge, so that it was his fate to be found not 
guilty of the crime for which he was being tried, but 
to be punished for something of which he was not ac- 
cused. That was the way he finally came off; but at 
the time Cicero in the character of his advocate, be- 
cause Antonius was his colleague, made a most bitter 
assault upon Caesar as responsible for the suit against 
the man, and heaped some abuse upon him in addition. 

Caesar was naturally indignant at it, but, although —11 — 
consul, refused to be the author of any insolent speech 
or act against him. He said that the rabble purposely 
cast out^ many idle slurs upon their superiors, trying 
to entice them into strife, so that the commoners might 
seem to be equal and of like importance, in case they 
should get anything similar said of themselves. Hence 
he did not see fit to put any person on an equal footing 

1 The verb is supplied by Reiske. 



B. c. 59 -yjrith himself. It had been his custom, therefore, to 

(0. «. 695) 

conduct himself thus toward others who insulted him 
at all, and now seeing that Cicero was not so anxious 
about abusing him as about obtaining similar abuse in 
return and was merely desirous of being put on an 
equality with him, he paid litBe heed to his traducer, 
acting as if nothing had been said ; indeed, he allowed 
him to employ vilifications unstintedly, as if they were 
praises showered upon him. StUl, he did not disregard 
him entirely. Caesar possessed in reality a rather de- 
cent nature, and was not easUy moved to anger. Ac- 
cordingly, though punishing many, since his interests 
were of such magnitude, yet his action was not due to 
anger nor was it altogether immediate. He did not in- 
dulge wrath at all, but watched his opportunity and his 
vengeance dogged the steps of the majority of culprits 
without their knowing it. He did not take measures 
so as to seem to defend himself against anybody, but 
so as to arrange everything to his own advantage while 
creating the least odium. Therefore he visited retribu- 
tion secretly and in places where one would least have 
expected it, — both for the sake of his reputation, to 
avoid seeming to be of a wrathful disposition, and to 
the end that no one through premonition should be on 
his guard in advance, or try to inflict some dangerous 
injury upon his persecutor before being injured. For 
he was not more concerned about what had already oc- 
curred than that^ (future attacks) should be hindered. 
As a result he would pardon many of those, even, who 

1 Following Reiske's reading: ^ Iva to. fiiXkovra xioXuBsitj. 



had harmed him greatly, or pursue them only a little ,^'^'qq^^ 
way, because he believed they would do no further in- 
jury; whereas upon many others, even more than was 
right, he took vengeance looking to his safety, and said 
that^ what was done he could never make undone,^ but 
because of the extreme punishment he would^ for the 
future at least suffer^ no calamity. 

These calculations induced him to remain quiet on —la- 
this occasion, too; but when he ascertained that Clodiua 
was willing to do him. a favor in return, because he had 
not accused him of adultery, he set the man secretly 
against Cicero. In the first place, in order that he 
might be lawfully excluded from the patricians, he 
transferred him with Pompey's cooperation again to 
the plebian rank, and then immediately had him ap- 
pointed tribune. This Clodius^ then, muzzled Bibulus, 
who had entered the Forum at the expiration of his 
office and intended in the course of taking the oath to 
deliver a speech about present conditions, and after 
that attacked Cicero also. He soon decided that it was 
not easy to overthrow a man who, on account of his skill 
in speaking, had very great influence in politics, 
and so proceeded to conciliate not only the populace, b. c. 58 
but also the knights and the senate with whom Cicero 
was most held in regard. His hope was that if he could 
make these men his own, he might easily cause the 
downfall of the orator, whose great strength lay rather 
in the fear than in the good-will which he inspired. 
For Cicero annoyed great nmnbers by his words, and 

1 Gaps in the text supplied by Eeiske. 

{a. u. 696) 


B. c. 58 those wlio were won to him by benefits conferred were 

{a. u. 696) ., ,. ,,,... J 

not so numerous as those ahenated by injuries done 
them. Not only did it hold true in his case that the ma- 
jority of mankind are more ready to feel irritation at 
what displeases them than to feel grateful to any one 
for good treatment, and think that they have paid their 
advocates in full with wages, whereas they are de- 
termiaed to give those who oppose them at law a per- 
ceptible setback : but furthermore he invited very bitter 
enemies by always striving to get the better of even 
the strongest men and by always employing an un- 
bridled and excessive frankness of speech to all alike; 
he was in desperate pursuit of a reputation for being 
able to comprehend and speak as no one else could, 
and before all wanted to be thought a valuable citizen. 
As a result of this and because he was the greatest 
boaster alive and thought no one equal to himself, but 
in his words and life alike looked down on all and would 
not live as any one else did, he was wearisome and 
burdensome, and was consequently both envied and 
hated even by those very persons whom he pleased. 
— 13_ Clodius therefore hoped that for these reasons, if 
he should prepare the minds of the senate and the 
knights and the populace in advance, he could quickly 
make way with him. So he straightway^ distributed 
free com gratis (he had already in the consulship of 
Gabinius and Piso introduced a motion that it be 
measured out to those who lacked), and revived the as- 
sociations called collegia in the native language, which 

1 The suggestion of Boissevain {ebeui;) or of Mommsen {ainixa) 
is here adopted in preference to the MS. aS^i? (evidently erroneous). 



liad existed anciently but had been abolished for some (a^'„^'6%) 
time. The tribunes he forbade to depose a person 
from any oflBce or disfranchise him, save if a man 
should be tried and convicted in presence of them both. 
After enticing the citizens by these means he proposed 
another law, concerning which it is necessary to speak 
at some length, so that it may become clearer to most 

Public divination was obtained from the sky and 
from some other sources, as I said, but that of the sky 
carried the greatest weight, — so much so that whereas 
the other auguries held were many in number and for 
each action, this one was held but once and for the 
whole day. Besides this most peculiar feature it was 
noticeable that whereas in reference to all other mat- 
ters sky-divination either allowed things to be done 
and they were carried out without consulting any indi- 
vidual augury further, or else it would prevent and 
hinder something, it restrained the balloting of the popu- 
lace altogether and was always a portent to check them, 
whether it was of a favorable or ill-boding nature. 
Now the cause of this custom I am unable to state, but 
I set down the common report. Accordingly, many 
persons who wished to obstruct either the proposal of 
laws or official appointments that came before the pop- 
ular assembly were in the habit of announcing that they 
would use the divination from the sky for that day, 
so that the i>eople could ratify nothing during the 
period. Clodius was afraid that if he indicted Cicero 
some person by such means might interpose a post- 
VOL. 2.-8 113 


, ^'^'^L. ponement or delay the trial, and so introduced the 

(a. u. 096) '- II 

measure that no one of the officials should, on the days 
when it was necessary for the people to vote on any- 
thing, observe the signs from heaven. 
— 14— Such was the nature of the indictment which he then 
drew up against Cicero. The latter understood what 
was going on and induced Lucius Ninnius Quadratus, 
a tribune, to oppose it all: then Clodius, in fear lest 
a tumult and delay of some kind should arise as a re- 
sult, outwitted him by deceit. He made arrangements 
with Cicero beforehand to bring no indictment against 
him, if he, in turn, would not interfere with any of the 
measures under consideration; whereupon, while the 
latter and Ninnius were quiet, he secured the passage 
of the laws, and next proceeded agaiast the orator. 
Thus was the latter, who thought himself extremely 
wise, deceived on that occasion by Clodius, — if we 
ought to say Clodius and not Caesar and his party. 
For the law that Clodius proposed after this trick was 
not on its face enacted against Cicero (i. e. it did not 
contain his name), but against all those simply who 
put to death or had put to death any citizen without 
the condemnation of the populace; yet in fact it was 
drawn up as strongly as possible against that one man. 
It brought within its scope, indeed, all the senate, 
because they had charged the consuls with the protec- 
tion of the city, by which act it was permitted the latter 
to take such steps, and subsequently had voted to con- 
demn Lentulus and the rest who at that time suffered 
the death penalty. Cicero, however, incurred the re- 



sponsibility alone or most of all, because he had laid ^■^- ^^ 
information against them and had each time made the 
proposition and put the vote and had finally seen to 
their execution by the agents entrusted with such busi- 
ness. For this reason he took vigorous retaliatory 
measures, and discarding senatorial dress went about 
in the garb of the knights, paying court meanwhile, as 
he went back and forth, day and night alike to all who 
had any influence, not only of his friends but also of 
his opponents, and especially to Pompey and Caesar, 
inasmuch as they did not show their enmity toward 
him. In their anxiety not to appear by their own ac- —15— 
tion to have set Clodius on or to be pleased with his 
measures, they devised the following way, which suited 
them admirably and was obscure to their foe, for de- 
ceiving Cicero. Caesar advised him to yield, for fear 
he might perish if he remained where he was : and in 
order to have it believed the more readily that he was 
doing this through good will, he promised that the 
other should employ him as helper, so that he might 
retire from Clodius 's path not with reproach and as if 
under examination, but in command and with honor. 

Pompey, however, turned him aside from this course, 
calling the act outright desertion, and uttering insinua- 
tions against Caesar to the effect that through enmity 
he was not giving sound advice ; for his own counsel, 
as expressed, was for Cicero to remain and come to 
the aid of the senate and himself with outspokenness, 
and to defend himself immediately against Clodius: 
the latter, he declared, would not be able to accomplish 



B. c. 58 anytliiiiff with the orator present and confronting him 
(a. M. 696) JO r , . T , J 1 

and would furthermore meet his deserts, and he, 

Pompey, would cooperate to this end. After these 
speeches from them, modeled in such a way not be- 
cause the views of the two were opposed, but for the 
purpose of deceiving the man without arousing his 
suspicion, Cicero attached himself to Pompey. Of him 
he had no previous suspicion and was thoroughly con- 
fident of being rescued by his assistance. Many men 
respected and honored him, for mnnerous persons in 
trouble were saved some from the judges and others 
from their very accusers. Also, since Clodius had 
been a relative of Pompey 's and a partner of his cam- 
paigns for a long period, it seemed likely that he would 
do nothing that failed to accord with his wishes. As 
for Gabinius, Cicero expected that he could count on 
him absolutely as an adherent, being a good friend of 
his, and equally on Piso because of his regard for right 
_ie_ and his kinship with CaBsar. On the basis of these 
calculations, then, he hoped to win (for he was confi- 
dent beyond reason even as he had been terrified with- 
out investigating), and in fear lest his withdrawal 
from town should seem to have been the result of a bad 
conscience, he paid heed to Pompey, while stating to 
Caesar that he was considerably obliged to him. 

Thus it came about that the victim of the deceit con- 
tinued his preparations to administer a stinging defeat 
to his enemies. For, in addition to the encouraging 
circumstances already mentioned, the knights in con- 
vention sent to the consuls and senate on the Capitol 



envoys in his behalf from their own number, and also ,^'^' QgQ^ 
the senators Quintus Hortensius and Gains Curio. One 
of the many ways in which Ninnius, too, assisted him 
was to urge the populace to change their garb, as if 
for a imiversal disaster. And many even of the senat- 
ors did* this and would not change back until the con- 
suls by edict rebuked them. 

The forces of his adversaries were more powerful, 
however. Clodius would not allow Ninnius to take any 
action in his behalf, and Gabinius would not grant the 
knights access to the senate ; on the contrary, he drove 
one of them, who was very insistent, out of the city 
and chided Hortensius and Curio for having come be- 
fore them when they were assembled and having un- 
dertaken the embassy. Moreover Clodius led them be- 
fore the populace where they were well thrashed and 
heaten for their embassy by some appointed agents. 
After this Piso, though he seemed well disposed toward 
Cicero and had advised him to slip away beforehand 
on seeing that it was impossible for him to attain safety 
by other means, nevertheless, when the orator took of- 
fence at this counsel, came before the assembly at the 
first opportunity — he was too feeble most of the time 
— and to the question of Clodius as to what opinion 
he held regarding the proposed measure said: " No 
deed of cruelty or sadness pleases me." Gabinius, too, 
on being asked the same question, not only praised 
Clodius but indulged in invectives against the knights 
and the senate. 

1 Verb supplied by Xylander. 



— 17 — Caesar, however (whom since he had taken the field 

B. C. 58 ' 

(a. u. 696) Clodius could make arbiter of the proposition only by 
assembling the throng outside the walls), condemned 
the lawlessness of the action taken in regard to Lentu- 
lus, but still did not approve the punishment proposed 
for it. Every one knew, he said, all that had been in 
his mind concerning the events of that time — he had 
cast his vote for letting the men live — but it was not 
fitting for any such law to be drawn up touching events 
now past. This was Caesar's statement; Crassus 
showed some favor to Cicero through his son but him- 
self took the side of the multitude. Pompey kept prom- 
ising the orator assistance, but by making various ex- 
cuses at different times and arranging purposely many 
journeys out of town failed to defend him. 

Cicero seeing this was frightened and again under- 
took to resort to arms, — among other things he did was 
to abuse Pompey openly with insults — but was pre- 
vented by Cato and Hortensius, for fear a civU war 
might result. Then at last, against his will, with 
shanie and the ill-repute of having gone into exile vol- 
untarily, as if conscience-stricken, he departed. Be- 
fore leaving he ascended the Capitol and dedicated a 
little image of Minerva, whom he styled "protectress." 
It was to Sicily that he secretely betook himself. He 
had once been governor there, and entertained a lively 
hope that he would be honored among its towns and 
private citizens and by its rulers. 

On his departure the law took effect; so far from 
meeting with any opposition, it was supported, as soon 



as he was once out of the way, by those very persons (^'^' ^^^^ 
(among others) who were thought to be the foremost 
movers in Cicero's behalf. His property was confis- 
cated, his house was razed to the ground, as though 
it had been an enemy's, and its foundation was dedi- 
cated for a temple of Liberty. Upon the orator himself 
exile was imposed, and a continued stay in Sicily was 
forbidden him : he was banished three thousand seven 
hundred and fifty stadia^ from Rome, and it was fur- 
Ither proclaimed that if he should ever appear within 
those limits, both he and those who harbored him might 
be killed with impunity. 

He, accordingly, went over to Macedonia and was —is — 
living in the depths of grief. But there met him a man 
named Philiscus, who had made his acquaintance in 
Athens and now by chance fell in with him again. 

"Are you not ashamed, Cicero," said this person, 
" to be weeping and behaving like a woman? Really, 
I should never have expected that you, who have par- 
taken of much education of every kind, who have acted 
as advocate to many, would grow so faint-hearted." 

"Ah," replied the other, " it's not the same thing, 
PhUiscus, to speak for others as to advise one's own 
self. The words spoken in others' behalf, proceeding 
from a mind that stands erect, undeteriorated, have the 
greatest possible effect. But when some affliction over- 
whelms the spirit, it is made turbid and dark and can 
not think out anything appropriate. Wherefore, I 

1 Or five hundred miles, since Dio reckons a mile as equivalent to 
seven and one-half instead of eight stades. 



^- ^' ^L. suppose, it has well been said that it is easier to counsel 

(o. u. 696) ^^ ' 

others than one's self to be strong under suffering." 

" Yours is a very human objection," rejoined Phil- 
iscus. " I did not think, however, that you, who have 
shown so much wisdom and have trained yourself in 
so much learning, had failed to prepare yourself for all 
human possibilities, so that if any unexpected accident 
should happen to you, it would not find you unfortified. 
Since, notwithstanding, you are in this plight, why I 
might benefit you by rehearsing what is good for you. 
Thus, just as men who put a hand to people's burdens 
relieve them, so I might lighten this misfortune of 
yours, and the more easily than they inasmuch as I 
shall take upon myself the smallest share of it. You 
will not deem it unworthy, I trust, to receive some en- 
couragement from another. If you were sufficient for 
your own self, we should have no need of these words. 
As it is, you are in a like case to Hippocrates or Demo- 
cedes or any other of the great physicians, if one of 
them should fall a victim to a disease hard to cure and 
should need another's hand to bring about his own 
_ jg _ " Indeed, ' ' said Cicero, " if you have any such train 
of reasoning as will dispel this mist from my soul and 
restore me to the light of old, I am most ready to listen. 
For of words, as of drugs, there are many varieties 
and diverse potencies, so that it will not be surprising 
if you should be able to steep in some mixture of phi- 
losophy even me, the shining light of senate, assembly, 
and law-courts, ' ' 



" Come then," continued Philiscus, " since you are , b. c. 58 

' ' ■' (o. u. 696) 

ready to listen, let us consider first whether these con- 
ditions that surround you are actually bad, and next 
in what way we may cure them. First of all, now, I 
see you are in good physical health and quite vigorous, 
— a state which is by nature a blessing to mankind, — 
and next that you have provisions in sufficiency so as 
not to hunger or thirst or be cold or endure any other 
unpleasant experience through lack of means, a second 
circumstance which any one might naturally set down 
as good for man's nature. For when one's physical 
constitution is good and one can live along without 
worry every accessory to happiness is enjoyed." 

To this Cicero replied: " No, not one of such ac- _2o — 
cessories is of use when some grief is preying upon 
one's spirit. The reflections of the soul distress one far 
more than bodUy comforts can cause delight. Even so 
I at present set no value on my physical health because 
I am suffering in mind, nor yet in the abundance of 
necessaries; for the deprivations I have endured are 
many. ' ' 

Said the other: "And does this grieve you? Now 
if you were going to be in want of things needful, there 
iwould be some reason for your being annoyed at your 
loss. But since you have all the necessaries in full 
measure, why do you harass yourself because you do ' 
not possess more? All that belongs to one beyond 
one's needs is in excess and its nature is the same 
whether present or absent, for you are aware that even 
formerly you did not make use of what was not neces- 



B. 0. 58 sary : hence suppose that at that time the things which 

{a. u. 696) •' . , , T .1 . ii £ 

you did not need were non-existent or else that those oi 
which you are not in want are now here. Most of them 
were not yours by inheritance that you should be par- 
ticularly exercised about them, but were furnished you 
by your own tongue and by your words,— the same 
causes that effected their loss. Accordingly, you should 
not take it hard that just as things were acquired, so 
they have been lost. Sea-captains are not greatly dis- 
turbed when they suffer great reverses. They under- 
stand, I think, how to look at it sensibly, — that the 
sea which gives them wealth takes it away again. 

— 21— " This is enough on one point. I think it should be 
enough for a man's happiness to possess a sufiSciency 
and to lack nothing that the body requires, and I hold 
that everything in excess brings anxieties and trouble 
and jealousies. But as for your saying there is no en- 
joyment in physical blessings unless one have cor- 
responding spiritual advantages, the statement is true : 
it is impossible if the spirit is in poor condition that 
the body should fail to partake of the sickness. How- 
ever, I think it much easier for one to care for mental 
than for physical vigor. The body, being of flesh, con- 
tains many paradoxical possibilities and requires much 
assistance from the higher power : the intellect, of a na- 
ture more divine, can be easily trained and prompted. 
Let us look to this, therefore, to discover what spiritual 
blessing has abandoned you and what evil has come 
upon you that you cannot shake off. 

—22— " First, then, I see that you are a man of the great- 



est intellectual gifts. The proof is that you nearly al- , ^- ^- ^s 
ways persuaded both the senate and the people in cases 
where you gave them any advice and helped private 
citizens very greatly in eases where you acted as their 
advocate. And second that you are a most just man. 
Indeed you have contended everywhere for your coun- 
try and for your friends and have arrayed yourself 
against those who plotted against them. Yes, this very 
misfortune which you have suffered has befallen you 
for no other reason than that you continued to speak 
and act in everything for the laws and for the govern- 
ment. Again, that you have attained the highest de- 
gree of temperance is shown by your very habits. It 
is not possible for a man who is a slave to sensual 
pleasures to appear constantly in public and to go to 
and fro in the Forum, making his deeds by day wit- 
nesses of those by night. And because this is so I 
thought you were the bravest of men, enjoying, as you 
did, so great strength of intellect, so great power in 
speaking. But it seems that you, startled out of your- 
self by having failed contrary to your hope and deserts, 
have been drawn back a little from the goal of real 
bravery. This loss, however, you will recover immedi- 
ately, and as your circumstances are such, with a good 
physical state and a good spiritual, I cannot see what 
there is to distress you." 

At the end of this speech of his Cicero rejoined: — —83 — 
' ' There seems to you, then, to be no great evU in dis- 
honor and exile and not living at home nor being with 
your friends, but instead being expelled with violence 



B. c. 58 from your country, existing in a foreign land, and 

(a. «. 696) •' . , •, » M 

wandering about with the name oi exile, causing 
laughter to your enemies and disgrace to your con- 
nections. ' ' 

" Not a trace of evil, so far as I can see," declared 
Philiseus. ' ' There are two elements of which we are 
constituted, — soul and body, — and definite blessings 
and evils are given to each of the two by Nature her- 
self. Now if there should be any failure in these de- 
tails, it might properly be considered hurtful and base, 
but if all should be right it would be advantageous 
rather. This, at the outset, is your condition. Those 
things which you mentioned, cases of dishonor among 
them, and everything else of the sort are disgraceful 
and evil only through law and a kind of notion, and 
work no injury to either body or soul. What body 
could you cite that has fallen sick or perished and what 
spirit that has grown wickeder or even more ignorant 
through dishonor and exile and anything of that sort? 
I see none. And the reason is that no one of these ac- 
cidents is by nature evil, just as neither honorable posi- . 
tion nor residence in one 's country is by nature excel- 
lent, but whatever opinion each one of us holds about 
them, such they seem to be. For instance, mankind 
do not universally apply the term * dishonor ' to the 
same conditions, but certain deeds which are reprehen- 
sible in some regions are praised in others and various 
actions honored by this people are punishable by that. 
Some do not so much as know the name, nor the fact 
which it implies. This is quite natural. For whatever 



does not touch what belongs to man's nature is thought , b. c. 58 

° ° (o. «. 696) 

to have no bearing upon him. Just exactly as it would 
be most ridiculous, surely, if some judgment or decree 
were delivered that so-and-so is sick or so-and-so is 
base, so does the case stand regarding dishonor. 

' ' The same thing I find to be true in regard to exile. — 84 — 
Living abroad is somehow in a way dishonorable, so 
that if dishonor pure and simple contains no evil, 
surely an evU reputation can not be attached to exile 
either. You know at any rate that many live abroad 
the longest possible time, some unwillingly and others 
willingly ; and some even spend their whole life travel- 
ing about, just as if they were expelled from every 
place: and yet they do not regard themselves as being 
injured in doing so. It makes no difference whether a 
man does it voluntarily or not. The person who trains 
unwillingly gets no less strong than he who is willing 
about it, and the person who navigates unwillingly ob- 
tains no less benefit than the other. And as for this 
very element of unwillingness, I do not see how it can 
encounter a man of sense. If the difference between 
being well and badly off is that some things we readily 
volunteer to do and others we are unwilling and grudge 
to perform, the trouble can be easily mended. For if 
we endure willingly all necessary things and show the 
white feather before none of them, all those matters 
in which one might assume unwillingness have been 
abolished. There is, indeed, an old saying and a very 
good one, to the effect that we ought not to think it 
requisite for whatever we wish to come to pass, but to 
wish for whatever does come to pass as the result of 



, ^- ^- ^L. any necessity. "We neither have free choice in our 

(ffl. «. 696) •' •' 

course of life nor is it on ourselves that we are depend- 
ent ; but according as it may suit Fortune, and accord- 
ing to the character of the Divinity granted each one 
of us for the fulfillment of what is ordained, must we 
— 25— also regard our life. Such is the nature of the case 
whether we like it or not. 

" If, now, it is not mere dishonor or mere exile that 
troubles you, but the fact that not only without having 
done your country any hurt, but after having benefited 
her greatly you were dishonored and expelled, look at 
it in this way, — that once it was destined for you to 
have such an experience, it has been the noblest and the 
best fortune that could befall you to be despitefully 
used without having committed any wrong. You ad- 
vised and performed all that was proper for the citi- 
zens, not as individual but as consul, not meddling of- 
ficiously in a private capacity but obeying the decree of 
the senate, not as a party measure but for the best ends. 
This or that other person, on the contrary, out of his 
superior power and insolence had devised everything 
against you, wherefore disasters and grief belong tohim 
for his injustice, but for you it is noble as well as nec- 
essary to bear bravely what the Divinity has deter- 
mined. Surely you would not have preferred to cooper- 
ate with Catiline and to conspire with Lentulus, to give 
your country the exact opposite of advantageous coun- 
sel, to discharge none of the duties laid upon you by it, 
and thus to remain at home under a burden of wicked- 
ness instead of displaying uprightness and being ex- 


— 26- 


iled. Accordingly, if you have any care for reputation, b. c. 58 
it is far preferable for you to have been driven out, 
guilty of no wrong, than to have remained at home by 
executing some villainy; for, among other considera- 
tions, shame attaches to the men who have unjustly cast 
one forth, but not to the man who is wantonly expelled. 

" Moreover, the story as I heard it was that you did 
not depart unwillingly nor after conviction, but of your 
own accord; that you hated to live with them, seeing 
that you could not make them better and would not en- 
dure to perish with them, and that you were exiled not 
from your country but from those who were plotting 
against her. Consequently they would be the ones dis- 
honored and banished, having cast out all that is good 
from their souls, but you would be honored and fortu- 
nate, as being nobody's slave in unseemly fashion and 
possessing all fitting qualities, whether you choose to 
live in Sicily, in Macedonia, or anywhere else in the 
world. Surely it is not localities that give either good 
fortune or unhappiness of any sort, but each man 
makes for himself both country and happiness always 
and everywhere. This is what Camillus had in mind 
when he was glad to dwell in Ardea; this is the way 
Scipio reckoned when he lived his life out without 
grieving in Liternum. What need is there to mention 
Aristides or to cite Themistocles, men whom exile ren- 
dered more esteemed, or Anni^ ... or Solon, who 
of his own accord left home for ten years? 

" Therefore do you likewise cease to consider irk- 

iThe MS. is corrupt. Perhaps Hannibal is meant, perhaps Mneas. 



B. c. 58 gome any such thing as pertains neither to our physical 

a. u. 696) •' ox- , , , 10 

nor to our spiritual nature, and do not vex yourseli 
at what has happened. For to us belongs no choice, 
as I told you, of living as we please, but it is quite 
requisite for us to endure what the Divinity determines. 
If we do this voluntarily, we shall not be grieved: if 
involuntarily, we shall not escape at all what is fated 
and we shall lay upon ourselves besides the greatest 
of ills, — distressing our hearts to no purpose. The 
proof of it is that men who bear good-naturedly the 
most outrageous fortunes do not regard themselves as 
being in any very dreadful circumstances, while those 
that are disturbed at the lightest disappointments feel 
as if all human ills were theirs. And, among people in 
general, some who handle fair conditions badly and 
others who handle unfavorable conditions well make 
their good or ill fortune appear even in the eyes of 
others to be of precisely the same nature as they figure 
— 27— it to themselves. Bear this in mind, then, and be not 
cast down by your present state, nor grieve if you learn 
that the men who exiled you are flourishing. In general 
the successes of men are vain and ephemeral, and the 
higher a man climbs as a result of them the more easily, 
like a breath, does he fall, especially in partisan con- 
flicts. Borne along in a tumultuous and unstable 
medium they differ little, or rather not at all, from 
ships in a storm, but are carried np and then down, 
now hither, now yon; and if they make the slightest 
error, they sink altogether. Not to mention Drusus or 
Scipio or the Gracchi or some others, remember ho"w 



Camillus the exile later came off better than Capito- i^'^'qqq'. 
linns, and remember how much Aristides subsequently 
surpassed Themistocles. 

' ' Do you, then, as well, entertain a strong hope that 
you will be restored ; for you have not been expelled on 
account of wrong doing, and the very ones who drove 
you forth will, as I take it, seek for you, while all will 
miss you. But if you continue in your present state, —28 — 
give yourself no care about it, even so. For if you lean 
to my way of thinking you will be quite satisfied to 
pick out a little estate on the coast and there carry on 
at the same time farming and some historical writing, 
like Xenophon, like Thucydides. This form of learning 
is most lasting and most adaptable to every man, every 
government, and exile brings a leisure in some respects 
more productive. If, then, you wish to become really 
immortal, like those historians, imitate them. Neces- 
sities you have in sufficiency and you lack no measure 
of esteem. And, if there is any virtue in it, you have 
been consul. Nothing more belongs to those who have 
held office a second, a third, or a fourth time, except 
an array of idle letters which benefit no man, living or 
dead. Hence you would not choose to be Corvinus or 
Marius, the seven times consul, rather than Cicero. 
Nor, again, are you anxious for any position of com- 
mand, seeing that you withdrew from one bestowed 
upon you because you scorned the gains to be had from 
it and scorned a brief authority that was subject to the 
scrutiny of all who chose to practice sycophancy. 
These matters I have mentioned not because any one 
VOL. 2.-9 129 


B. c. 58 of |;iiem is requisite for happiness, but because, since 

(O. M. 696) ^ . ,. , 

it was best, you have been engaged m pontics enough' 
to learn from it the difference in lives and to choose 
the one but reject the other, to pursue the one but 
avoid the other. 

' ' Our life is but short and you ought not to live all 
of it for others, but by this time to grant a little to 
yourself. Consider how much quiet is better than dis- 
turbance and a placid life than tumults, freedom than 
slavery, and safety than dangers, that you may feel a 
desire to live as I am urging you to do. In this way 
you will be happy, and your name because of it shall 
be great,— yes, always, whether you are alive or dead. 
— 39 _ "If, however, you are eager for a return and hold 
in esteem a brilliant political career, — I do not wish to 
say anything unpleasant, but I fear, as I cast my eyes 
on the case and call to mind your freedom of speech, 
and behold the power and numbers of your adversaries, 
that you may meet defeat once again. If then you 
should encounter exile, you can merely change your 
mind, but if you should incur some fatal punishment 
you will be unable to repent. Is it not assuredly a 
dreadful, a disgraceful thing to have one 's head cut off 
and set up in the Forum, if it so happen, for any one, 
man or woman, to insult? Do not hate me as one fore- 
boding evil to you : I but give you warning; be on your 
guard. Do not let the fact that you have certain friends 
among the influential men deceive you. You will get 
no help against those hostilely disposed from the men 
who seem to love you ; this you probably know by ex- 



perienoe. Those wlio have a passion for domination ,^'^'^qq. 
regard everything else as nothing in comparison with 
obtaining what they desire: they often give up their 
dearest friends and closest kin in exchange for their 
bitterest foes." 

On hearing this Cicero grew just a little easier in —30 — 
mind. His exile did not, in fact, last long. He was 
recalled by Pompey himself, who was most responsible 
for his expulsion. The reason was this. 

Clodius had taken a bribe to deliver Tigranes the 
younger, who was even then still in confinement at 
the abode of Lucius Flavius, and had let him go. He 
outrageously insulted Pompey and Gabinius who had 
been incensed at the proceeding, inflicted blows and 
wounds upon their followers, broke to pieces the con- 
sul's rods, and dedicated his property. Pompey, en- 
raged by this and particularly because the authority 
which he himself had restored to the tribunes Clodius 
had used against him, was willing to recall Cicero, and 
immediately began through the agency of Ninnius to 
negotiate for his return. 

The latter watched for Clodius to be absent and then 
introduced in the senate the motion in Cicero's behalf. 
iWhen another one of the tribunes opposed him, he 
not only went into the matter at some length, intimat- 
ing that he should communicate it also to the people, 
but he furthermore opposed Clodius once for all at 
every point. From this ensued disputes and many 
consequent woundings on both sides. But before mat- 
ters reached that point Clodius felt anxious to get Cato 



B. c. 58 out of the way so that he might the more easily be suo- 
(o. M. 696) •' ^ -,/,.,. 

cessful in the busmess he had m hand, and likewise 

to take measures against Ptolemy who then held Cy- 
prus, because the latter had failed to ransom him from 
the pirates. Hence he made the island public property 
and despatched Cato, very loath, to attend to its 
— 31 — WhUe this went on in the city, Caesar found no hos- 
tility in Gaul: everything was absolutely quiet. The 
state of peace, however, did not continue, but to one 
war which at first arose against him another was 
added, so that his greatest wish was fulfilled of making 
war against and setting right everything at once. 

The Helvetians, who abounded in numbers and had 
not land sufficient for their populous condition, refused 
to send out a part to form a colony for fear that sepa- 
rated they might be more subject to plots on the part of 
the tribes whom they had once injured. They decided 
all to leave their homes, with the intention of trans- 
ferring their dwelling-place to some other larger and 
better country, and burned all their villages and cities 
so as to prevent any one's regretting the migration. 
After adding to their numbers some others who wanted 
the same changes, they started off with Orgetorix as 
leader, — their intention being to cross the Rhone and 
settle somewhere near the Alps. 

When Caesar severed the bridge and made other 
preparations to hinder them from crossing, they sent 
to him to ask a right of way and promised in addition 
to do no harm to Roman territory. And though he had 



tlie greatest distrust of them and had not the slightest B- ^- ^L^ 
idea of allowing them to proceed, yet, because he was 
still poorly equipped he answered that he wished to 
consult his lieutenants about their requests and would 
give them their reply on a stated day. In fact he of- 
fered some little hope of his granting them the passage. 
Meanwhile he dug ditches and erected walls in com- 
manding positions, so that their road was mad© 

Accordingly the barbarians waited a little time, and — 32 — 
then, when they heard nothing as agreed, they broke 
camp and proceeded through the AUobroges's country, 
as they had started. Encountering the obstacles they 
turned aside into Sequanian territory and passed 
through their land and that of the uiEdui, who gave 
them a free passage on condition that they do no harm. 
Not abiding by their covenant, however, they plundered 
the ^duans' country. Then the Sequani and ^dui 
sent to Caesar to ask assistance, and begged him not to 
let them perish. 

Though their statements did not correspond with 
their deeds, they nevertheless obtained what they re- 
quested. Caesar was afraid the Helvetians might turn 
also against Tolosa and chose to drive them back 
with the help of the other tribes rather than to fight 
them after they had effected a reconciliation, — which, 
it was clear, would otherwise be the issue. For these 
reasons he feU upon the Helvetians as they were cross- 
ing the Arar, annihilated in the very passage the last 
of the procession and alarmed those that had gone 



/ ^- ^' ^L. ahead so much by the suddenness and swiftness of the 

(a. u. 696) •' 

pursuit and the report of their loss^ that they desired 
— ^^— to come to some agreement guaranteeing land. They 
did not, however, reach any terms ; for when they were 
asked for hostages they became offended, not because 
they were distrusted but because they disliked to give 
hostages to any one. So they disdained a truce and 
went forward again. 

Caesar's cavalry had galloped far ahead of the in- 
fantry and was harassing, incidentally, their rear 
guards, when they faced about with their horse and 
conquered it. As a result they were filled with pride, 
and thinking that he had fled, both because of the de- 
feat and because owing to a lack of provisions he was 
turning aside to a city that was off the road, they 
abandoned further progress to pursue after htm. 
Caesar saw this, and fearing their impetus and numbers 
hurried with his infantry to some higher ground but 
sent forward his horsemen to engage the enemy till he 
should have marshaled his forces in a suitable place. 
The barbarians routed them a second time and were 
making a spirited rush up the hill when Caesar with 
forces drawn up dashed down upon them suddenly 
from his commanding position and without difficidty 
repulsed them, while they were scattered. After these 
had been routed some others who had not joined in the 
conflict — and owing to their multitude and eagerness 
not all had been there at once — took the pursuers in 
the rear and threw them into some confusion, but ef- 
fected nothing further. For Caesar after assigning 



the fugitives to the care of his cavalry himself with , b. c. 58 

° •' {a. u. 696) 

his heavy-armed force turned his attention to the 
others. He was victorious and followed to the wagons 
both bodies, mingled in their flight ; and there, though 
from these vehicles they made a vigorous defence, he 
vanquished them. After this reverse the barbarians 
were divided into two parties. The one came to terms 
with him, went back again to their native land whence 
they had set out, and there built up again the cities to 
live in. The other refused to surrender arms, and, 
with the idea that they could get back again to their 
primeval dwelling-place, set out for the Rhine. Being 
few in numbers and laboring under a defeat they were 
easily annihilated by the allies of the Eomans through 
whose country they were passing. 

So went the first war that Csesar fought; but he did —34 — 
not remain quiet after this beginning. Instead, he at 
the same time satisfied his own desire and did his 
allies a favor. The Sequani and ^dui had marked 
the trend of his wishes* and had noticed that his deeds 
corresponded with his hopes : consequently they were 
willing at one stroke to bestow a benefit upon him and 
to take vengeance upon the Celts that were their neigh- 
bors. The latter had at some time in the past crossed 
the Khine, cut off portions of their territory, and, hold- 
ing hostages of theirs, had rendered them tributaries. 
And because they happened to be asking what Csesar 
was yearning for, they easily persuaded him to assist 

1 Beading imOuficav (with Boissevain). 



B. c. 58 Now Ariovistus was the ruler of those Celts : his do- 
minion had been ratified by action of the Eomans and 
he had been registered among their friends and allies 
by Caesar himself, in his consulship. In comparison, 
however, with the glory to be derived from the war and 
the power which that glory would bring, the Roman 
general heeded none of these considerations, except in 
so far as he wished to get some excuse for the quarrel 
from the barbarian so that it should not be thought 
that there was any grievance against him at the start. 
Therefore he sent for him, pretending that he wanted 
to hold some conversation with him. Ariovistus, in- 
stead of obeying, replied: " If Caesar wishes to tell 
me anything, let him come himself to me. I am not 
in any way inferior to him, and a man who has need of 
any one must always go to that person." At this the 
other showed anger on the ground that he had insulted 
all the Romans, and he immediately demanded of him 
the hostages of the allies and forbade him either to set 
foot on their land or to bring against them any auxili- 
ary force from home. This he did not with the idea of 
scaring him but because he hoped to make him furious 
and by that means to gain a great and fitting pretext 
for the war. What was expected took place. The bar- 
barian, enraged at the injunctions, made a long and 
outrageous reply, so that Caesar no longer bandied 
words with him but straightway, before £iny one was 
aware of his intentions, seized on Vesontio, the city 
of the Sequani, in advance. 

—35— Meanwhile reports reached the soldiers. "Ariovis- 



tus is making vigorous preparations," was o^^- ,^' ^' qqq) 
' ' There are many other Celts, some of whom have al- 
ready crossed the Rhine undoubtedly to assist him, 
while others have collected on the very bank of the 
river to attack us suddenly," was another. Hence 
they fell into deep dejection. Alarmed by the stature 
of their enemies, by their numbers, their boldness, and 
consequent ready threats, they were iu such a mood 
as to feel that they were going to contend not against 
men, but against uncanny and ferocious beasts. And 
the talk was that they were undertaking a war which 
was none of their business and had not been decreed, 
merely on account of Caesar's personal ambition; and 
they threatened, also, to leave him in the lurch if he 
should not change his course. He, when he heard of it, 
did not make any address to the body of soldiers. It 
was not a good plan, he thought, to discuss such mat- 
ters before the multitude, especially when his words 
would reach the enemy; and he was afraid that they 
might by refusing obedience somehow raise a tumult 
and do some harm. Therefore he assembled his lieu- 
tenants and the subalterns, before whom he spoke as 

" My friends, we must not, I think, deliberate about —36 — 
public interests in the same way as about private. In 
fact, I do not see that the same mark is set up for each 
man privately as for all together publicly. For our- 
selves it is proper both to plan and to perform what 
looks best and what is safest, but for the public what 
is most advantageous. In private matters we must bei 



B. c. 58 energetic : so only can a good appearance be preserved. 
Again, a man who is freest from outside entanglements 
is thought to be also safest. Yet a state, especially if 
holding sovereignty, would be very rapidly overthrown 
by such a course. These laws, not drawn up by man 
but enacted by nature herself, always did exist, do ex- 
ist, and will exist so long as the race of mortals 

' ' This being so, no one of you at this juncture should 
have an eye to what is privately pleasant and safe 
rather than to what is suitable and beneficial for the 
whole body of Romans. For besides many other con- 
siderations that might naturally arise, reflect that we 
who are so many and of such rank (members of the 
senate and knights) have come here accompanied by a 
great mass of soldiers and with money in abundance 
not to be idle or careless, but for the purpose of man- 
aging rightly the affairs of our subjects, preserving in 
safety the property of those bound by treaty, repelling 
any who undertake to do them wrong, and increasing 
our own possessions. If we have not come with this 
in mind, why in the world did we take the field at all 
instead of staying at home with some occupation or 
other and on our private domains? Surely it were 
better not to have undertaken the campaign than when 
assigned to it to throw it over. If, however, some of 
us are here because compelled by the laws to do what 
our country ordains, and the greater number volun- 
tarily on account of the honors and rewards that come 
from wars, how could we either decently or without sin 



be false at once to the hopes of the men that sent us , b. c. 58 

■^ (a. u. 690) 

forth and to our own? Not one person could grow so 
prosperous as a private citizen as not to be ruined 
with the commonwealth, if it fell. But if the republic 
succeeds, it lifts all fortunes and each one individually. 

" I am not saying this with reference to you, my _37_ 
comrades and friends who are here: you are not in 
general ignorant of the facts, that you should need to 
learn them, nor do you assume an attitude of contempt 
toward them, that you should require exhortation. I 
am saying it because I have ascertained that there are 
some of the soldiers who themselves are talking to thei 
effect that the war we have taken up is none of our 
business, and are stirring up the rest to sedition. My 
purpose is that you yourselves may as a result of my 
words show a more ardent zeal for your country and 
teach them all they should know. They would be apt 
to receive greater benefit in hearing it from you pri- 
vately and often than in learning it but once from my 
lips. Tell them, then, that it was not by staying at 
home or shirking campaigns or avoiding wars or pur- 
suing idleness that our ancestors made the State so 
great, but it was by bringing their minds to venture 
readily everything that they ought and by working 
eagerly to the bitter end with bodily labor for every- 
thing that pleased them, by regarding their own things 
as belonging to others but acquiring readily the pos- 
sessions of their neighbors as their own, while they 
saw happiness in nothing else than in doing what was 
required of them and held nothing else to be ill fortune 



B. c. 58 than restine inactive. Accordingly, as a result of this 
policy those men, who had been at the start very tew 
and possessed at first a city than which none was more 
diminutive, conquered the Latins, conquered the Sa- 
bines, mastered the Etruscans, Volsci, Opici, Leu- 
canians and Samnites, in one word subjugated the 
whole land bounded by the Alps and repulsed all the 
alien tribes that came against them. 

— 38— " The later Romans, likewise, and our own fathers 
imitated them, not being satisfied with their temporary 
fortune nor content with what they had inherited, and 
they regarded sloth as their sure destruction but exer- 
tion as their certain safety. They feared that if their 
treasures remained unaugmented they would be con- 
sumed and worn away by age, and were ashamed af- 
ter receiving so rich a heritage to make no further ad- 
ditions : thus they performed greater and more numer- 
ous exploits. 

"Why should one name individually Sardinia, Sicily, 
Macedonia, lUyricum, Greece, Ionic Asia, the Bithyni- 
ans, Spaniards, Africans ? I tell you the Carthaginians 
would have given them plenty of money to stop sailing 
against that city, and so would Philip and Perseus to 
stop making campaigns against them ; Antiochus would 
have given much, his children and descendants would 
have given much to let them remain on European soil. 
But those men in view of the glory and the greatness 
of the empire did not choose to be ignobly idle or to 
enjoy their wealth in confidence, nor did the elders of 
our own generation who even now are still alive. 



They knew well that the same practices as acquire good ^- ^- ^^ 

^ ° (a. u. 696) 

things serve also to preserve them: hence they made 
sure many of their original belongings and acquired 
many new ones. What need is there here to catalogue 
in detail Crete, Pontus, Cyprus, Asiatic Iberia, Farther 
Albania, both Syrian nations, each of the two Armenias, 
the Arabians, the Palestinians ? We did not even know 
their names accurately in the old days : yet now we lord 
it over some ourselves and others we have bestowed, 
upon various persons, insomuch that we have gained 
from them income and powers and honors and 

" With such examples before you, then, do not bring _ 39 _ 
shame upon our fathers ' deeds nor let slip that empire 
which is now the greatest. We cannot deliberate in 
like manner with the rest of mankind who possess no 
similar advantages. For them it suffices to live in ease 
and, with safety guaranteed, to be subservient to oth- 
ers, but for us it is inevitable to toil and march and 
amid dangers to preserve our existing prosperity. 
Against this prosperity many are plotting. Every ob- 
ject which surpasses others attracts both emulation 
and jealousy ; and consequently an eternal war is waged 
by all inferiors against those who excel them in any 
respect. Hence we either ought not from the first to 
have increased, thus differing from other men, or else, 
since we have grown so great and have gained so many 
possessions, it has been fated that we should either 
rule these firmly or ourselves perish utterly. For it 
is impossible for men who have advanced to so great 



B. c. 58 reputation and such vast power to live apart and with- 
out danger. Let us therefore obey Fortune and not 
repel her, seeing that she voluntarily and self-invited 
belonged to our fathers and now abides with us. This 
result will not be reached if we cast away our arms 
and desert the ranks and sit idly at home or wander 
among our allies. It will be reached if we keep our 
arms constantly in hand — this is the only way to pre- 
serve peace — and practice warlike deeds in the midst 
of dangers — this is the only way we shall avoid fight- 
ing forever — and aid promptly those allies that ask us 
— in this way we shall get more — and do not indulge 
those enemies who are always turbulent — in this way 
no one will any longer care to wrong us. 

_ 40 — " For if some god had actually become our sponsor 
that, even if we should fail to do this, no one would 
plot against us and we should forever enjoy in safety 
all that we have won, it would still be disgraceful to 
say that we ought to keep quiet; yet those who are will- 
ing to do nothing that is requisite would have some 
show of excuse. But, as a fact, it is inevitable that 
men who possess anything should be plotted against 
by many, and it behooves us to anticipate their attacks. 
One class that holds quietly to its own possessions in- 
curs danger even for these, while another without any 
compulsion employs war to acquire the possessions of 
others and keeps them. No one who is in terror re- 
garding his own goods longs for those of his neighbors ; 
for the fear concerning what he already has ejff ectually 
deters him from meddling in what does not belong to 



him. Why then does any man say such a thing as this, b. c. 58 
— that we must not all the time be gaining something 

* ' Do you not recall, partly from hearsay and partly 
from observation, that none of the Italian races re- 
frained from plotting against our country until our 
ancestors brought war into their territories, nor did thei 
Epirots until they crossed over into Greece? Philip 
did not refrain, but intended to make a campaign 
against Italy until they wrought harm to his land in 
advance. Nor was there hesitation on the part of 
Perseus, of Antiochus, of Mithridates, until they were 
subjected to the same treatment. And why must one 
mention the remaining cases ? For a while the Cartha- 
ginians suffered no damage at our hands in Africa, and 
crossed into Italy, where they overran the country, 
sacked the towns and almost captured the City itself; 
but when war began to be made against them they de- 
camped altogether from our land. One might instance 
this same course of events in regard to the Gauls and 
Celts. For these people while we remained on this 
side of the Alps often crossed them and ravaged a large 
part of Italy. But when we ventured at last to make a 
campaign beyond the mountains and to surround them 
with war, and actually detached a portion of their ter- 
ritory, we never again saw any war begun by them in 
Italy except once. When, accordingly, in the face of 
these facts anybody says that we ought not to make 
war he simply says that we ought not to be rich, ought 
not to rule others, ought not to be free, to be Eomans. 
Just as you would not endure it if a man should say 



B. c. 58 any of these thinffs, but would kill him even as lie stood 

(o. «. 696) ■' ' -, 1 Ti 

before you, so now also, my comrades, assume a like 
attitude toward those who utter the other form of state- 
ment, judging their disposition not by their words but 
by their acts. 
— 41— " Now no one of you would contend, I think, that 
these are not the right kind of ideas to entertain. If, 
however, any one thinks that the fact of no investiga- 
tion having been made about this war before the senate 
and of no vote having been passed in presence of the 
assembly is a reason why we need be less eager, let him 
reflect that of all the wars which have ever fallen to 
our lot some, to be sure, have come about as a result 
of preparation and previous announcement, but others 
equally on the spur of the moment. For this reason all 
uprisings that are made while we are staying at home 
and keeping quiet and in which the beginning of the 
complaints arises from some embassy both need and 
demand an enquiry into their nature and the introduc- 
tion of a vote, after which the consuls and praetors 
must be assigned to them and the forces sent out : but 
all that come to light after persons have already gone 
forth and taken the field are no longer to be brought 
up for decision, but to be taken hold of in advance, be- 
fore they increase, as matters decreed and ratified by 
Necessity herself. 

" Else for what reason did the people despatch you 
to this point, for what reason did they send me imme- 
diately after my consulship? Why did they, on the one 
hand, elect me to hold command for five years at one 
time, as had never been done before, and on the other 



hand equip me with four legions, unless they believed b. c. m 
that we should certainly be required to fight, besides! 
Surely it was not that we might be supported in idle- 
ness, or traveling about to allied cities and subject 
territory prove a worse bane to them than an enemy. 
Not a man would make this assertion. It was rather 
that we might keep our own land, ravage that of the 
enemy, and accomplish something worthy both of our 
numbers and our expenditures. Therefore with this 
understanding both this war and every other whatso- 
ever has been entrusted, has been delivered to us. They 
acted very sensibly in leaving in our hands the decision 
as to whom we should fight against, instead of voting 
for the war themselves. For they would not have been 
able to understand thoroughly the affairs of our allies, 
being at such a distance from them, and would not 
have taken measures against known and prepared 
enemies at an equally fitting moment. So we, to whom 
is left at once the decision and the execution of the war, 
by turning our weapons immediately against foes that 
are actually in the field shall not be acting in an un- 
authorized or unjust or incautious manner. 

" But suppose some one of you interrupts me with —42 — 
the following objection: * What has Ariovistus done 
so far out of the way as to become an enemy of ours in 
place of a friend and ally? ' Let any such man con- 
sider the fact that one has to defend one's self against 
those who are undertaking to do any wrong not only 
on the basis of what they do, but also on the basis of 
what they intend, and has to check their growth in 
advance, before suffering some hurt, instead of wait- 
ing to have some real injury inflicted and then taking 
VOL. 2.— 10 145 


B. c. 58 venareance. Now how could he better be proven to be 

(a. u. 696) ° , « 1 . 1 

hostile, yes, most hostile toward us than irom what he 
has done? I sent to him in a friendly way to have him 
come to me and deliberate in my company about pres- 
ent conditions, and he neither came nor promised that 
he would appear. And yet what did I do that was un- 
fair or unfitting or arrogant in summoning him as a 
friend and ally? What insolence and wantonness, 
rather, has he omitted in refusing to come? Is it not 
inevitable that he did this from one of two reasons, 
either that he suspected he should suffer some harm 
or that he felt contempt for me ? Well, if he had any 
suspicions he convicted himself most clearly of con- 
spiring against us. For no one that has not endured 
any injury is suspicious toward us nor does one be- 
come so as a result of an upright and guileless mind : 
no, it is those who have prepared to wrong others that 
are ready to be suspicious of them because of their own 
conscience. If, again, nothing of this sort was at the 
bottom of his action, but he merely looked down on us 
and insulted us with overweening words, what must we 
expect him to do when he lays hold of somerealproject? 
For when a man has shown such disdain in matters 
where he was not going to gain anything, how has he 
not been convicted of entire injustice in intention and 
in performance? 

" Still, he was not satisfied with this, but further 
bade me come to him, if I wanted anything of him. 
Do not, I beg of you, regard this addition as slight. 
It is really a good indication of his disposition. That 
he should have refused to visit me a person speaking 


— 43- 


in his defence might refer to shriakiag and sickness , b. c. 58 

° ° (a. u. 696) 

and fear. But that he should send a summons to me 
admits of no excuse, and furthermore proves him to 
have acted from no other impulse than a readiness to 
yield me obedience in no point and a determination to 
impose correspondiag demands in every case. With 
how much insolence and abuse does this very course 
of his teem ! The proconsul of the Eomans summons 
a man and the latter does not come : then one of the Al- 
lobroges [sic] summons the proconsul of the Eomans. 
Do not t^iink this a small matter and of little moment 
in that it was I, Caesar, whom he failed to obey, or be- 
cause he called me Caesar. It was not I that summoned 
him, but the Roman, the proconsul, the rods, the dig- 
nity, the legions : it was not I that was summoned by 
him, but all of these. Privately I have no dealings with 
him, but in common we have all spoken and acted, re- 
ceived his retort and suffered. 

" Therefore the more that anybody asserts that he 
has been registered among our friends and among our 
allies, the more he will prove him to deserve our hatred. 
Why? Because acts such as not even any of our ad- 
mittedly bitterest foes has ever ventured to perform 
have been committed by Ariovistus under the titles of 
friendship and of alliance; it looks as though he had 
secured them for the very purpose of having a chance 
to wrong us with impunity. On the other hand, our 
former treaty with him was not made with the idea of 
being insulted and plotted against, nor will it now be 
we who break the truce. For we sent envoys to him 


— 44 — 


B. 0. 58 as to one who was still a friend and ally, but he — well, 

(o. M. 696) 

you see how he has used us. Accordingly, just as when 
he chose to benefit us and desired to be well treated in 
return he justly obtained his wishes, so now, too, when 
he does the opposite of that in everything, with 
thorough justice would he be held in the position of a 
foe. Do not be surprised that whereas once upon a 
time I myself did some little business in his behalf 
both in the senate and before the people I now speak 
in this way. So far as I am concerned my sentiments 
are the same now as then: I am not changing front. 
And what are they? To honor and reward the good 
and faithful, but to dishonor and punish the evU and 
unfaithful. It is he that is changing front, in that he 
makes an unfair and improper use of the privileges 
bestowed by us. 
_45_ "As to its being most just, then, for us to fight 
against him no one, I think, wUl have any contention to 
make. And that he is neither invincible nor even a dif- 
ficult adversary you can see from the other members 
of his race whom you have often conquered before and 
have recently conquered very easily, and you can cal- 
culate further from what we learn about the man him- 
self. For in general he has no native force that is 
united and welded together, and at present, since he is 
expecting no reverse, he utterly lacks preparation. 
Again, not one of his countrymen would readily aid 
him, not even if he makes most tempting offers. Who 
would choose to be his ally and fight against us before 
receiving any injury at our hands? Is it not rather 
likely that all would cooperate with us, instead of 



with him, — from a desire to overthrow his principality, b. c. 58 
which joins theirs, and obtain from us some share of 
his territory? 

' ' Even if some should band together, they would not 
prove at all superior to us. For, to omit the rest, — 
our numbers, our age, our experience, our deeds, — 
who is there ignorant of the fact that we have armor 
over all our body alike, whereas they are for the most 
part naked, and that we employ both plan and arrange- 
ment, whereas they, unorganized, rush at everything 
in a rage. Be sure not to dread their charge nor the 
greatness of either their bodies or their shout. For 
voice never yet killed any man, and their bodies, hav- 
ing the same hands as we, can accomplish no more, but 
will be capable of much greater damage through being 
both big and naked. And though their charge is tre- 
mendous and headlong at first, it is easily exhausted 
and lasts but a short time. To you who have doubtless _ 4e — 
experienced what I mention and have conquered men 
like them I make these suggestions so that you need not 
appear to have been influenced by my talk and may 
really feel a most steadfast hope of victory as a result 
of what has already been accomplished. However, a 
great many of the very Gauls who are like them will 
be our allies, so that even if these nations did have any- 
thing terrible about them, it will belong to us as well 
as to the others. 

" Do you, then, look at matters in this way and in- 
struct the rest. I might as weU tell you that even if 
some of you do hold opposite views, I, for my part, 
will fight just as I am and will never abandon the posi- 


■47 — 


B c. 5S tion to which I was assigned by my country. The tenth 
legion will be enough for me. I am sure that they, 
even if there should be need of going through fire, 
would readily go through it naked. The rest of you 
be off the quicker the better and cease consuming sup- 
plies here to no purpose, recklessly spending the public 
money, laying claim to other men's labors, and ap- 
propriating the plunder gathered by others." 

At the end of this speech of Caesar's not only did no 
one raise an objection, even if some thought altogether 
the opposite, but they all approved his words, es- 
pecially those who were suspected by him of spreading 
the talk they had heard mentioned. The soldiers they 
had no difficulty in persuading to yield obedience : some 
had of their own free will previously decided to do so 
and the rest were led to that course through emulation 
ot them. He had made an exception of the tenth legion 
because for some reason he always felt kindly toward 
it. This was the way the government troops were 
named, according to the arrangement of the lists; 
whence those of the present day have similar titles. 

When they had been thus united, Caesar, for fear that 
by delay they might again become indifferent, no longer 
remained stationary, but immediately set out and 
pressed forward against Ariovistus. By the sudden- 
ness of his approach he so alarmed the latter that he 
forced him to hold a conference with him regarding 
peace. They did not come to terms, however, since 
Caesar wished to impose all commands and Ariovistus 
refused to obey at all. 

War consequently broke forth ; and not only were the 



two chief parties interested on the alert, but so were b. c. 58 
also all the allies and enemies of both sides in that 
region ; for they felt sure that the battle between them 
would take place in the shortest possible time and that 
they themselves should have to serve in every way 
those who once conquered. The barbarians had the 
superiority in numbers and in size of bodies, but the 
Eomans in experience and armor. To some extent also 
Caesar's skill in planning was found to counterbalance 
the fiery spirit of the Celts and their disorderly, head- 
long charge. As a result, then, of their being evenly 
matched, their hopes and consequent zeal were in per- 
fect equipoise. 

While they were encamped opposite each other the —48 
women on the barbarian side after divination forbade 
the men to engage in any battle before the new moon. 
For this reason Ariovistus, who already paid great 
heed to them whenever they took any such action, did 
not join in conflict with his entire force immediately, 
although the Eomans were challenging him to come out. 
Instead, he sent out the cavalry together with the foot 
soldiers assigned to them and did the other side severe 
injury. Scornfully elated by his success he undertook 
to occupy a position beyond the line of their trench. 
Of this he held possession, while his opponents occu- 
pied in turn another. Then, although Caesar kept his 
army drawn up outside until afternoon, he would not 
proceed to battle, but when his foe toward evening re- 
tired he suddenly came after them and all but captured 
their palisade. Since his affairs progressed so well 



B. c. 58 lie recked little any longer of the women, and on the 
following day when, according to their daily custom, 
the Romans were marshaled, he led out his forces 
against them. 

— 49— The Romans, seeing them advancing from their 
quarters, did not remain motionless, hut made a for- 
ward dash which gave their opponents no chance to get 
carefully ordered, and by attacking with a charge and 
shout intercepted their javelins in which they had es- 
pecial confidence. In fact, they got into such close 
quarters with them that the enemy could not employ 
their pikes or long swords. So the latter used their 
bodies in shoving oftener than weapons in fighting 
and struggled to overturn whoever they encountered 
and to knock down whoever withstood them. Many 
deprived even of the use of the short swords fought 
with hands and mouths instead, dragging down their 
adversaries, biting, tearing, since they far surpassed 
them in the size of their bodies. The Romans, however, 
did not suffer any great bodily injuries in conse- 
quence: they closed with their foes and by their armor 
and skill somehow proved a match. Finally, after car- 
rying on that sort of battle for a very long time, late 
in the day they prevailed. For their daggers, which 
were smaller than those of the Gauls and had steel 
blades, proved very useful to them : moreover, the men 
themselves, constrained thereto by the very labor, 
lasted better than the barbarians because the endurance 
of the latter was not of like quality with the vehemence 
of their attacks. The G-auls for these reasons were 
defeated: they were not routed, merely because they 



■were unable, tkrougli confusion and feebleness, to.flee, b. c. 68 

, . , , , (a. u. 696) 

and not because tney lacked the wisb. Three hundred 
therefore, more or less, gathered in a body, opposed 
their shields on all sides of them and standing up- 
right, apart from the press, proved hard to move by 
reason of their solidity: so that they neither accom- 
plished aught nor suffered aught. 

The Romans, when their warriors neither advanced —50 — 
against them nor fled but stood quietly in the same spot 
as if on towers, likewise laid aside first of all their 
short spears which could not be used : and as they could 
not with their swords fight in close combat nor reach 
the others ' heads, where alone the latter, fighting with 
them exposed, were vulnerable, they threw down their 
shields and made an attack. Some by a long run and 
others from close at hand leaped upon^ the foes in some 
way and struck them. At this many f eU immediately, 
beneath a single blow, and many did not fall till after 
they were dead. They were kept upright even when 
dead by the closeness of their formation. In this way 
most of the infantry perished either there or near the 
wagons, according to how far they were pushed out of 
line toward them, with wives and children. Ariovistus 
with fifty horsemen straightway left the country and 
started for the Ehine. He was pursued, but not over- 
taken, and escaped on a boat ahead of his followers. 
Of the rest the Romany entered the river to kill some, 
and others the chief himself took up and brought away. 

1 Reading IvyjXXovro, proposed in Mnemosyne N.S. X, p. 196, by 
Cobet, who compares Ctesar's Gallic War I, 52, 5; and adopted by 






The following is contained in the Thirty-ninth of Dio'a Rome. 

How Caesar fought the Belgse (chapters 1-5). 

How Cicero came back from exile (chapters 6-11). 

How Ptolemy, expelled from Egypt, sought refuge in 
Home (chapters 13-16). 

How Cato settled matters in Cyprus (chapters 17-23). 

How Pompey and Crassus were chosen consuls (chapters 

How Pompey's Theatre was dedicated (chapters 38, 39). 

How Decimus Brutus, Csesar's lieutenant, conquered the 
Veneti in a sea-fight (chapters 40-43). 

How Publius Crassus, Csesar's lieutenant, fought the 
Aquitani (chapters 44-46). 

How Cffisar after fighting with some of the Celtse crossed 
the Ehine: and about the Ehine (chapters 47-49). 

How Caesar crossed over into Britain: and about the 
island (chapters 50-54). 

How Ptolemy was restored to Egypt by Gabinius, and 
how Gabinius was brought to trial for it (chapters 55-65). 

Duration of time, four years, in which there were the following 
magistrates, here enumer&ted. 

P. Cornelius P. f. Lentulus Spinther, C. Caecilius C. f. 
Metellus ISTepos. (B. C. 57 = a. u. 697.) 

Cn. Cornelius P. f. Lentulus Marcellinus, L. Marcius 
L. F. Philippus. (B. C. 56 = a- u. 698.) 

Cn. Pompeius Cn. f. Magnus (II), M. Licinius P. f. 
Crassus (II). (B. C. 55 = a. u. 699.) 

L. Domitius Cn. f. Ahenobarbus, Appius Claudius Appi 
F. Pulcher. (B. C. 54 = a. u. 700.) 



Such was the end of these wars. After this, when ^i~ 
the winter had passed in which Cornelius Spinther and (a.'u.'697) 
Metellus Nepos began their consulship, a third war 
burst upon them. The Belgse, dwelling near the Ehine 
with many mingled tribes and extending to the ocean 
opposite Britain, had been during the previous epoch 
at peace with the Romans so far as concerned a part 
of their nation, while the rest paid no heed to them: 
but now, noting Caesar's prosperity and fearing that 
he might advance against them, they made a change of 
front and by common agreement (except on the part 
of the Eemi) took counsel against the Eomans and con- 
spired, making Galba their head. 

Caesar learned this from the Remi and was on his 
guard against them : subsequently he encamped at the 
river Axona, collected his soldiers all together and ex- 
ercised them. He did not venture to come into close 
quarters with the enemy, though they were overrun- 
ning Eoman territory, until they felt contempt for him, 
thinking bim afraid, and undertook to destroy the 
bridge and put a stop to the conveyance of grain, which 
the allies brought across it. He was made aware be- 
forehand by deserters that this was to be done, and 
by night sent against the foe the light-armed troops 
and the cavalry. So they, unexpectedly assaulting the — a — 
barbarians, killed many of them, so that the following 
night they all withdrew thence to their own land, es- 
pecially since the .^duans were reported to have in- 



B. c. 57 vaded it. Caesar perceived what was going on, but 

{a. u. 697) <-. >j / 

througli ignorance of tlie country did not dare to pur- 
sue them immediately. At daybreak, however, he took 
the cavalry, bade the infantry follow behind, and came 
up with the fugitives. They proceeded to give battle, 
for he was thought to have come with his cavalry alone, 
and he delayed them until the infantry arrived. In 
this way he surrounded them with his whole force, cut 
down the majority, and made terms with the survivors. 
Later he brought into allegiance some of the peoples 
without fighting and some by war. 

— 3 — The Nervii voluntarily retired before him from their 
plain country, — for they were not a match for his 
forces, — but betook themselves into the wooded parts 
of the mountains, and then, when they saw him settled 
in camp,^ they came charging down unexpectedly. Op- 
posite Caesar himself they soon turned to flight, but got 
the better of the major part of his army, capturing 
the camp without striking a blow. When Caesar be- 
came aware of this, — he had advanced a little way in 
pursuit of those he had routed, — he turned back and 
came upon them engaged in pillage within the fortifica- 
tion, where he ensnared and slaughtered them. After 
accomplishing this he found no difiSculty in subduing 
the rest of the Nervii. 

'—4— Meanwhile the Aduatuci, near neighbors of theirs, 
sprung from the Cimbri and possessing their spirit, 
started out as if to assist them but were overpowered 
before they effected anything, whereupon they with- 
drew, and leaving all their other sites established 

1 Two words to fill a gap are suggested by Bekker. 



thiemselves in one fort, the strongest. Caesar assaulted , B- C- ^7 

(o. «• 69/ ) 

it but was for many days repulsed, until lie turned to 
the making of engines. Then for a time they gazed at 
the Romans cutting wood and constructing the ma- 
chines and through their inexperience laughed at what 
was taking place. But when the things were finished 
and heavy-armed soldiers upon them approached from 
all sides, they were panic-stricken because never be- 
fore had they seen such an affair ; so they sent the her- 
alds for peace, supplied the soldiers with provisions, 
and threw some of their weapons from the wall. When, 
however, they saw the machines stripped of men again, 
and noticed the latter, as after a victory, following 
their own hearts' desires, they changed their minds 
and recovering courage made a sally by night to cut 
them down unawares. But Caa^r was carefully man- 
aging everything every moment, and when they fell on 
the outposts from every side they were beaten back. 
Not one of the survivors could any longer obtain par- 
don, and they were all sold. 

When these had been subjugated and others, too, — 5 — 
some by him and many by his lieutenants, winter set in 
and he retired to winter-quarters. The Eomans at 
home heard of this and were astonished that he had 
seized so many nations, whose names they had known 
but imperfectly before, and voted a sacrifice of fifteen 
days for his deeds, — something that had never before 

During the same period Servius Galba, acting as his 
lieutenajit, had, while the season lasted and the army 
remained a unit, brought to terms the Varagri, dwell- 
ing beside Lake Lemannus and beside the AUobroges 


— 6 — 


B. c. 57 as far as the Alps : some he had mastered by force and 
others by capitulatioiij so that he was even preparing 
to winter where he was. When, however, the majority 
of the soldiers had departed, some on furloughs be- 
cause they were not far from Italy, and others else- 
where to their own possessions, the natives took ad- 
vantage of this fact and unexpectedly attacked him. 
Then he was led by despair to a kind of frenzy and sud- 
denly dashing out of the winter camp astounded those 
attacking him by the strangeness of the move and pass- 
ing through them gained the heights. On reaching 
safety he fought them off and later enslaved them: he 
did not winter there, however, but transferred his 
quarters to the Allobroges. 

These were the events in Gaul. Pompey meanwhile 
had brought about a vote for the recall of Cicero. The 
man that he had expelled through the agency of Clodius 
he now brought back to help him against that very per- 
son. So prone is human nature to change and in such 
wise do persons select in turn the very opposite things 
as likely to cause them benefit or injury. His helpers 
among the praetors and tribunes were Titus Annius 
Milo and the rest, who brought the proposition before 
the populace. Spinther the consul was zealous^ for 
Cicero partly as a favor to Pompey and partly to dam- 
age Clodius, by reason of a private enmity which had 
led him as judge to condemn the man for incest : Clodius 
was supported by various men in public office, by Ap- 
pius Claudius, his brother, who was praetor, and by 
Nepos the consul who hated Cicero for some reason of 

1 Four words to fill a gap supplied by Beiske. 



iis own. These parties, accordingly, witli the consuls ^q~7~ 
as leaders made more noise than before, and so did the (a. «. 697) 
rest in the city, championing one side or the other. 
Many disorderly proceedings were the result, chiefest 
of which was that during the very casting of the vote 
on the subject Clodius, knowing that the masses would 
be for Cicero, took the gladiators that his brother held 
in readiness for the funeral games in honor of Marcus 
his relative, leaped into the assemblage, wounded many 
and killed many more. Consequently no decision was 
reached and the perpetrator, as the companion of 
armed champions, was dreaded in general by all: he 
then stood for the sedileship', with a view to escaping 
the penalty for his violence by being elected. Milo had 
indicted him but did not succeed in bringing him to 
court, for the qusestors, by whom the allotment of 
jurors had to be made, had not been elected, and Nepos 
forbade the praetor to allow any case before their allot- 
ment. Now it was proper for the ssdiles to be chosen be- 
fore the qusestors, and this proved the principal cause 
of delay. Much disturbance was created by the contest — 8 — 
over this very point, and at last Milo himself collected 
some gladiators and others who desired the same ob- 
jects as he did and kept continually coming to blows 
"with Clodius, so that fatal conflicts took place through- 
out practically the entire city. Nepos now, inspired with 
fear by his colleague and by Pompey and by the other 
prominent men, changed his attitude, and as the senate 
decreed, on motion of Spinther, that Cicero should be 
restored, and the populace on the motion of both con- 
suls voted it, Clodius, to be sure, spoke against it to 
VOL. 2.— 11 161 


B. c. 57 them, but he liad Milo as an opponent so that he could 

(a. u. 697) ' -r» j^T T 

commit no violence, and Pompey, among others, spoke 
in favor of the enactment, so that that party proved 
much the stronger. 

— 9— Cicero accordingly came home from exile and ex- 

pressed his gratitude to both senate and people, — the 
consuls affording him an opportunity, — in their re- 
spective assemblies. He laid aside his hatred of Pom- 
pey for his banishment, became reconciled with him, 
and immediately repaid his kindness. A sore famine 
had arisen in the city and the entire populace rushed 
into the theatre (the kind of theatre that they were 
then still using for public gatherings) and from there 
to the Capitol where the senators were in session, 
threatening first to slay them with their own hands 
and later to burn them alive, temple and all. It was 
then that Cicero persuaded them to elect Pompey as 
conunissioner of the grain supply and to give him con- 
sequently the office of proconsul for five years both 
within Italy and without. So he now, as previously, 
iu the case of the pirates, was to hold sway over the 
entire world at that time under Roman power. 

— 10— Cfesar and Crassus really disliked Cicero, but paid 

some attention to him when they perceived that he 
would return in any case, Caesar even while absent dis- 
playing some good-will toward him; they received, 
however, no thanks for their pains. Cicero knew that 
they had not acted according to their real inclination 
and regarded them as having been most to blame for 
liis banishment. And though he was not quite bold 
enough to oppose them openly, since he had recently 



tasted the fruits of unrestrained free speech, neverthe- , B- ^- ^L 

■^ ' {a. u. 697) 

less he composed secretly a little book and inscribed 
upon it that it contained a kind of defence of his policy. 
In it he heaped together masses of denunciation against 
them and others, which led him to such fear of these 
statements getting out in his lifetime that he sealed up 
the volume and delivered it to his son with the injunc- 
tion not to read nor to publish what was written, until 
his father should have departed from life. 

Cicero, accordingly, took root anew and got back his — ii — 
property and likewise the foundation of his home, al- 
though the latter had been given up to Liberty and 
Clodius both called the gods to witness and interposed 
religious scruples against its desecration. But Cicero 
found a flaw in the enactment of the lex curiata by the 
provisions of which his rival had been taken from the 
nobles into the rank of the people, on the ground that 
it had not been proposed within the limit of days set 
by ancestral custom. Thus he tried to make null and 
void the entire tribuneship of Clodius (in which also 
the decree regarding his house had been passed), say- 
ing that inasmuch as the transference of the latter to the 
common people had taken place unlawfuUyj it was not 
possible for any one of his acts while in office to be con- 
sidered binding. By this means he persuaded the pon- 
tifices to give back to him the foundation as properly 
his and unconsecrated. So he obtained that and money 
for the construction of his house, and whatever else of 
his property had been damaged. 

After this there was further trouble on account of —12 — 
King Ptolemy. He had spent much money upon some 



B. c. 57 of the Eomans, some of his own income and some bor- 

(d. 1*. 697) 

rowed, in order to strengthen his kiagdom and receive 
the name of friend and ally. He was collecting this 
sum forcibly from the Egyptians and was irritated at 
the difficulty he encountered as well as at their bidding 
him demand back Cyprus from the Romans or else re- 
nounce his friendship for the foreigners, — neither of 
which demands suited his wishes. Since he could 
neither persuade them to be quiet nor yet force them, 
as he had no foreign troops, he made his escape from 
Egypt, went to Eome, and accused them of having ex- 
pelled him from his kingdom: he obtained the right 
to be restored by Spinther, to whom Cilicia had been 

— 13 — While this was going on, the people of Alexandria, 
who for a while did not know that he had departed 
for Italy or supposed he was dead, placed Berenice his 
daughter on the throne ia his place. TheUj learning 
the truth, they sent a hundred men to Rome to defend 
themselves against his complaints and to bring counter 
charges of all the wrongs they had suffered. He heard 
of it in advance (he was still in Rome) and lay in wait 
for the envoys, by sending various men in different di- 
rections, before their arrival. The majority of them 
perished on the road, and of the survivors he slew some 
in the city itself and others he either terrified by what 
had happened or by administering bribes persuaded 
them neither to touch upon the matters regarding 
which they had been sent, nor to make any mention at 

— 14— all of those who had been killed. The affair, however, 
became so noised abroad that even the senate was 
mightily displeased, being urged on to action chiefly by 



Marcus Favonius, who assigned two causes for his in- , b. c. 57 

' ° . (a. «. 697) 

dignation, — first, that many envoys sent by allies had 
perished by violence, and second, that numerous Ro- 
mans also on this occasion had taken bribes. So they 
summoned Dio, the presiding officer of the envoys (for 
he had survived) in order to learn the truth from him. 
But this time, too, Ptolemy gained such a victory by 
money that neither did Dio enter the assemblage, nor 
was any mention made of the murder of the dead men, 
so long as Ptolemy was on the ground.^ Furthermore, 
when Dio was subsequently treacherously slain, he paid 
no penalty for that deed, either. This was chiefly due 
to the fact that Pompey had entertained him in his 
house and continued to render him powerful assist- 
ance. Of the other abuses that sprang from this source 
many were accused at a later time, but few convicted. 
For bribery was rampant and each cooperated with 
the other because of his own fear. 

While mortals were being influenced by money to —15 — 
behave themselves so. Heaven at the very beginning of 
the next year by striking with a thunderbolt the statue 
of Jupiter erected on the Alban hill, delayed the re- 
turn of Ptolemy some little time. For when they had 
recourse to the Sibylline verses they found written in 
them this very passage : "If the king of Egypt come 
requesting some aid, refuse him. not friendship alto- 
gether, nor yet succor him with any great force : other- 
wise, you will have both toils and dangers." There- 
upon, amazed at the coincidence between the verses and 
the events of the time, they were persuaded by Gaius 

1 Reading nap^v ( as Boissevain ) . 



B. c. 57 Cato tlie tribune to rescind all their decisions in the 

(a. u. 697) 

case. This was the way the oracle was given, and it 
was made public by Cato (for it was forbidden to an- 
nounce to the populace any of the Sibylline statements, 
unless the senate voted it). Yet as soon as the sense 
of the verses, as usually happens, began to be talked 
about, he was afraid that it might be concealed, led 
the priests before the populace and there compelled 
them to utter the oracle before the senate had given 
them any instructions. The more scruples they had 
against doing so, the more insistent^ was the multitude. 

— 16— Cato's wish prevailed; it was written in the Latin 
tongue and proclaimed. After this they gave their 
opinions: some were for assigning the restoration of 
Ptolemy to Spruther without an army and others urged 
that Pompey with two lictors should escort him home 
(Ptolemy, on learning of the oracle, had preferred this 
latter request and his letter was read in public by Aulus 
Plautius, the tribune) . The senators then, fearing that 
Pompey would by this means obtain still greater 
power, opposed it, using the matter of the grain as an 

AU this happened in the consulship of Lucius Philip- 
pus and Gnseus Marcellinus. Ptolemy, when he heard 
of it, refused the favor of restoration, went to Ephesus, 
and passed his time in the temple of the goddess. 

-17— The year before a peculiar incident, which still has 
some bearing upon history, had taken place. It was this. 
The law expressly forbids any two persons of the same 

1 Words equivalent to " the more insistent " are easily Supplied from 
the context, as suggested by v. Herwerden, Wagner, and Leunclavius. 



dan to hold the same priesthood at the same time. , ^- *^-^J,, 

^ (a. u. 697) 

Now Spinther the consul was anxious to place his son 
Cornelius Spinther among the augurs, and when Faus- 
tus, the son of Sulla, of the Cornelian gens had been 
enrolled before him, took his son out of the clan and 
put him in that of Manlius Torquatus, and thus though 
the letter of the law was preserved, its spirit was 

Clodius had now come to the office of asdile. in the — is — 

, B. C. 56 

year of Philippus and Marcellinus; being anxious to (a. u. 698) 
avoid the lawsuit he had got himself elected by a polit- 
ical combination. He immediately instituted proceed- 
ings against Milo for procuring gladiators: what he 
was doing himself and was likely to be brought to trial 
for he brought as a charge against his rival. He did 
this not really in the expectation of convicting Milo, — 
for the latter had many strong champions, among them 
Cicero and Pompey, — but in order that under this pre- 
text he might carry on a campaign against Milo and 
harass his helpers. The following was one of his —19 — 
numerous devices. He had instructed his clique that 
whenever he should ask them in the assemblies : ' ' Who 
was it that did or said so-and-so? " they should all cry 
out : " Pompey ! " Then on several occasions he would 
suddenly ask about everything that could be taken 
amiss in Pompey, either in physical peculiarities or any 
other respect, taking up various small topics, one at 
a time, as if he were not speaking of him particularly. 
Thereupon, as usually happens in such cases, some 
would start off and others join in the refrain, saying 
" Pompey!" and there was considerable jeering. The 



, ^' ^' l^„v man attacked could not control himself and keep quiet, 

(a. u. 698) . r ^ 7 

nor would he stoop to a trick like Clodius'Sj so that he 
grew exceedingly angry, yet could not stir : thus nomi- 
nally Milo was condemned, but in reality Pompey was 
convicted without even making a defence. For Clodius 
went one step farther and would not allow the lex curi- 
ata to be brought up for discussion ; and until that was 
enacted no other serious business could be transacted 
in the commonwealth or any suit introduced. 

— 20— For a season Milo served as a shield for their abuses 

and assassinations, but about this time some portents 
occurred. In Albanum a small temple of Junoj set on 
a kind of table facing the east, was turned around to 
the west; a flash of light starting from the south shot 
across to the north; a wolf entered the city; an earth- 
quake occurred; some of the citizens were killed by a 
thunderbolt; in Latin territory a subterranean tumult 
was distinctly heard: and the soothsayers, being 
anxious to produce a remedy, said that some spirit was 
angry with them because of some temples or sites not in- 
habited for holy purposes. Then Clodius substituted Ci- 
cero for Milo and attacked him vigorously in speeches 
because he had built upon the foundation of the house 
dedicated to Liberty; and once he went to it, with the 
apparent intention of razing it anew to the ground, 
though he did not do so, being prevented by Milo. 

— 21 — Cicero was angry at such treatment and kept making 

complaints, and finally with Milo and some tribunes 
as attendants he ascended the Capitol and took down 
the tablets set up by Clodius to commemorate his exUe. 
This time Clodius came up with his brother Gains, a 



praetor, and took them away from him, but later he (^^j^ggg 
"watched for a time when Clodius was out of town, as- 
cended the Capitol again, took them and carried them 
home. After this occurrence no quarter was shown on 
either side, but they abused and slandered each other 
as much as they could, without refraining from the 
basest means. One declared that the tribuneship of 
Clodius had been contrary to law and that therefore 
his deeds in office had no authority, and the other that 
Cicero's exile had been justly decreed and his restora- 
tion unlawfully voted. 

WhUe they were contending, and Clodius was getting —22 — 
much the worst of it, Marcus Cato came upon the scene 
and made them equal. He had a grudge against Cicero 
and was likewise afraid that all his acts in Cyprus 
would be annulled, because he had been sent out under 
Clodius as tribune : hence he readily took sides with the 
latter. He was very proud of his deeds and anxious 
above all things that they should be confirmed. For 
Ptolemy, who at that time was master of the island, 
when he learned of the vote that had been passed, and 
neither dared to rise against the Romans nor could 
endure to live, deprived of that province, had taken his 
life by drinking poison.^ Then the Cypriots, without 
reluctance, accepted Cato, expecting to be friends and 
allies of the Eomans instead of slaves. It was not, 
however, of this that Cato made his chief boast; but 
because he had administered everything in the best pos- 
sible manner, had collected slaves and large amounts 

1 This is a younger brother of that Ptolemy Auletes who was expelled 
iiom Egypt and subsequently restored (see chapter 55), and is Ihe 
same one mentioned in Book Thirty-eight, chapter 30. 



(o^' ^' 698 » ^^ money from the royal treasury, yet had met with no 
' reproach but had given account of everything unchal- 
lenged, — it was for this that he laid claim to valor no 
less than if he had conquered in some war. So many 
persons accepted bribes that he thought it more im- 
usual for a man to despise money than to conquer the 
— 23— So at that time Cato for the reasons specified had 
some hope of a proper triumph, and the consuls in the 
senate proposed that a praetorship be given him, al- 
though by law it could not yet be his. He was not ap- 
pointed (for he spoke against the measure himself), 
but obtained even greater renown from it. Clodius 
undertook to name the servants brought from Cyprus 
Clodians, because he himself had sent Cato there, but 
failed because the latter opposed it. So they received 
the title of Cyprians, although some of them wanted 
to be called Porcians; but Cato prevented this, too. 
Clodius took his opposition extremely ill and tried to 
pick flaws in his administration : he demanded accounts 
for the transactions, not because he could prove him 
guilty of any wrongdoing, but because nearly all of the 
documents had been, destroyed by shipwreck and he 
might gain some prestige by following this line. 
Caesar, also, although not present, was aiding Clodius 
at this time, and according to some sent him in letters 
the accusations brought against Cato. One of their 
attacks upon Cato consisted in the charge that he him- 
self had persuaded the consuls (so they affirmed) to 
propose a praetorship for him, and that he had then 



voluntarily put it by, iu order not to appear to have .^'^'gg^. 
missed it when he wanted it. 

So they kept up the conflict, and Pompey, too, en- —24— 
countered some trouble in the distribution of the grain. 
Many slaves had been freed in anticipation of the 
event, of whom he wished to take a census in order that 
the grain delivery might take place with some decency 
and order. This, to be sure, he managed fairly easily 
through his own wisdom and because of the large sup- 
ply of grain: but in seeking the consulship he found 
annoyances which likewise entailed a measure of cen- 
sure for him. Clodius's behavior irritated him, but 
even more the fact that he was treated slightingly by 
the rest, whose superior he was : and he felt injured 
both on account of his reputation and on account of the 
hopes by reason of which while still a private citizen 
he had thought to be honored beyond them £ill. Some- 
times he could bring himself to despise all this. At 
first when people began to speak ill of him he was an- 
noyed, but after a time, when he came to consider 
carefully his own excellence and their baseness, he paid 
no further attention to them. The fact, however, that —35 — 
Caesar's influence had grown and the populace admired 
his achievements so much as to despatch ten men from 
the senate in recognition of the apparently absolute 
subjugation of the Gauls,^ and that the people were so 
elated by consequent hopes as to vote him large sums 
of money was a thorn in Pompey 's side. He attempted 
to persuade the consuls not to read Caesar's letters but 
to conceal the facts for a very long time until the glory 

iThis statement of Dio's appears to be erroneous. See Cicero, 
Ad Familiarea I, 7, 10, and Mommsen, Btaatareoht, 22, 672. 



- ^" ^ ^L. of his deeds should of its own motion spread itself 

{a. u. 69S) ^ 

abroad, and further to send some one to relieve him 
even before the specified date. So jealous was he that 
he proceeded to disparage and abrogate all that he him- 
self had effected with Cesar's aid: he was displeased 
at the great and general praise bestowed upon the lat- 
ter (whereby his own exploits were being over- 
shadowed) and reproached the populace for paying 
little heed to himself and going frantic over Caesar. 
Especially was he vexed to see that they remembered 
former achievements just so long as nothing occurred 
to divert them, that they turned with greatest readi- 
ness to each new event, even if it were inferior to some- 
thing previous because they became tired of the usual 
and liked the novel, and that they overthrew all estab- 
lished glory by reason of envy, but helped to build up 
_26— any new power by reason of their hopes. This was 
what caused his displeasure ; and as he could not effect 
anything through the consuls and saw that Caesar had 
passed beyond the need of keeping faith with him, he 
regarded the situation as grave. He held that there 
were two things that destroy friendship, — fear and 
envy, — and that these can only arise from rival glory 
and strength. As long as persons possess these last in 
equal shares, their friendship is firm, but when one or 
the other excels in the least degree, then the inferior 
party is jealous and hates the superior while the 
stronger despises and abuses the weaker: so, which- 
ever way you take it, the one is vexed by his inferi- 
ority, the other is elated by his advantage, and they 



come to strife and war in place of their former friend- , ^- *-'fj?o, 
ship. On the basis of some such calculations Pompey 
began to arm himself against Caesar. And because he 
thought he could not easily alone overthrow him, he 
cultivated Crassus even more than before, that he 
might act with him. 

When they had compared notes, they decided that it —27 — 
would be really impossible for them to accomplish any- 
thing as private citizens, but if they should get the 
consulship and divide the authority between them for 
rivalry against him, they would both be a match for 
him and quickly overcome him, being two against one. 
So they arranged an entire plan of dissimulation, 
to wit, that if any of their companions should urge 
them to the ofS.ce, they should say they no longer cared 
to obtain the consulship : after this they put forth their 
best efforts to get it, in spite of the fact that they had 
formerly been friends with some of the other candi- 
dates. When they began to canvass for the office out- 
side of the times directed by law and others made it 
plain that they would not allow them to be appointed 
(among these were the consuls themselves, for Marcel- 
linus had some little influence), they brought it about 
that the elections should not be held that year (and to 
this end they employed Gains Cato and some others), 
in order that an interrex might be chosen and they seek 
and secure the place in accordance with the laws. Now — 38 — 
this was done under some other pretext (as it was said, 
by reason of engagements made at a different time), 
but in reality by their own influence, for they openly 
showed dislike of those who opposed them. The sen- 



2- ^'l^j,, ate, however, was violently enraged, and once while 
they were wrangling left the room. That was the end 
of the proceedings for the time being, and again when 
the same disturbance happened the senators voted to 
change their dress, as if for some calamity, and they 
paid no attention to Cato, who, because he gained 
nothing by speaking against the proposed step, rushed 
out of the gathering and called in any one he met in the 
market-place,^ in order that no decision might be 
reached ; for, if any person not a senator were within, 
they might not give their vote. But other tribunes 
were quick and prevented those invited from entering, 
and so this decree was passed, and it was also proposed 
that the senators should not be spectators at the festi- 
val then going on. When Cato opposed this measure, 
too, they rushed out in a body, and after changing their 
dress returned, hoping thus to frighten him. When 
even so he would not moderate his behavior, they all 
together proceeded to the Forum and brought to a state 
of sincere sorrow the multitude^ who had come running 
to that place; Marcellinus was the speaker, and he 
lamented the present occurrences, while the rest listen- 
ing wept and groaned, so that no one had a word to say 
against him. After doing this the senators entered the 
senate-house immediately, intending to vent their wrath 

_29_ upon those who were responsible. But Clodius had 
meantime jumped to the side of Pompey and espoused 
his cause again in the hope that if he should help him in 
securing the prize now at stake, he would make him. 
entirely his friend. So he came before the populace 
in his ordinary garb, without making any change as 

1 Gap in the MS. supplied by Bekker's conjecture, 



the decree required, and addressed a speech to them .^'^'q^q) 
against Marcellinus and the rest. As great indigna- 
tion at this act was shown by the senators, he aban- 
doned the people in the midst of his speech and 
hastened to the senate, where he came near meeting his 
end. For the senate confronted him and prevented his 
going in, while at that moment he was surrounded by 
the knights and would have been torn limb from limb, 
had he not raised an outcry, calling upon the people for 
aid ; whereupon many ran to the scene bringing fire and 
threatening to bum his oppressors along with the sen- 
ate-house, if they should do him any harm. 

He, then, came within an ace of being killed. But —30 — 
Pompey, not alarmed at all by this, on one occasion 
rushed into the senatorial assembly, thwarting them as 
they were just about to vote, and prevented the measure 
from being carried. When Marcellinus after that pub- 
licly asked him whether he really desired to become 
consul, he in hope that the other might give ground 
admitted that he was a candidate, but said that he did 
not want the office so far as the just men were con- 
cerned, but that on account of the seditious he was ex- 
erting every influence to that end. So Pompey came 
out openly as his rival, and Crassus on being interro- 
gated gave the same implication himself, not admitting 
the fact, to be sure, but not denying it, either : instead, 
he took, as usual, a middle course and said that he 
would do whatever was advantageous to the republic. 
In view of this situation Marcellinus and many others 
were terrified, as they observed their equipment and 
opposing array, and would no longer frequent the sen- 



B. c. 56 ate-house. As the number required by custom for pass- 

(d. M. 698) 1 J r 

ing any vote about the elections did not assemble, it was 
impossible to have any business at all about them 
brought forward, and the year thus passed away. 
However, the senators did not change their attire nor 
attend the festivals nor celebrate the feast of Jupiter 
on the Capitol nor go out to Albanum for the Feriae 
Latinae, held there for the second time by reason of 
something not rightly done. Instead, like persons in 
bondage and not possessing authority to choose officials 
or conduct any other public business they spent the rest 
of the year. 

—31 — And after this Crassus and Pompey were appointed 
(a. M. 699) consuls by the interrex, as no one else of the earlier 
canvassers opposed them. Lucius Domitius, who eon- 
tested the office up to the very last day of the year, 
started out from home for the assembly of the people 
just after dark, but when the boy that carried the torch 
in front of him was stabbed, he was frightened and 
went no farther. Hence, as no one else contested their 
election, and furthermore because of the action of Pub- 
lius Crassus, who was a son of Marcus and then lieu- 
tenant under Caesar, in bringing soldiers to Eome for 
this very purpose, they were easily chosen. 

_32— When they had thus assumed the leadership of the 
State, they had the other offices given to such as were 
well disposed toward them and prevented Marcus Cato 
from being appointed praetor. They suspected that he 
would not submit to their regime and were unwilling 
to add any legal power to his outspoken opposition. 
The nomination of the praetors was made in peace, for 


— 33 — 


Cato did not see fit to offer any violence : in the matter , ^- ^- f^. . 

•' {a. u. 699) 

of the cnnile aediles, however, assassinations took place, 
so that Pompey was implicated in much bloodshed. 
The other officials, too, — those elected by the people, 
— they appointed to please themselves (for they con- 
trolled the elections), and they made friends with the 
other aediles and most of the tribunes. Two tribunes, 
Gaius Ateius Capito and Publius Aquilius Gallus, 
would not come to terms with them. 

Accordingly, when the offices had been settled, they 
possessed the object of their strivings. They them- 
selves made no mention of these matters before either 
the senate or the populace, but gravely pretended that 
they wanted nothing further. Gaius Trebonius, how- 
ever, a tribune, presented a measure that to the one 
Syria and its environs be given to rule over for five 
years, and to the other the Hispaniae, where there had 
recently been an uprising, for a similar period; also 
that they should employ as many soldiers as they might 
wish, both citizens and allies, and should make peace 
and war with whomsoever they pleased. Many, and 
especially the friends of Csesar, took offence at this, 
because those men after obtaining provinces to govern 
were likely to keep Csesar from holding his position for 
a much longer time; and therefore some prepared to 
speak agaiust the measure. Then the consuls fearing 
that they might fail utterly of the projects they had in 
hand won over all such supporters on the condition of 
extending his leadership also for three* years more 

1 Suetonius says "five years" (Life of Csesar, chapter 24), and 
Plutarch and Appian make a similar statement of the time. ( Plutarch, 
Csesar, chapter 21, and Pompey, chapters 51, 52. Appian, Civil War, 
n, 17.) 

VOL. 2.— 12 177 


, "^" ^" ^L. (to follow the actual facts). However, they submitted 

,(a. u. 699) ^ . . 

no part of liis case to the populace until their own busi- 
ness had been ratified. And the adherents of Caesar, 
anticipated in this way, kept quiet, and the greater part 
of the rest, in bondage to fear and satisfied if even so 

—34— they should save their lives, remained still. On the 
other hand, Cato and Favonius resisted all their 
schemes, having the two tribunes and others to help 
them, since in fighting few against many their frank- 
ness was of no avail. Favonius, who obtained from 
Trebonius only one hour for his speech in opposition, 
used it up in crying out at random about the distressing 
condition of the times. Cato received the right of 
employing two hours in his harangue and turned his 
efforts to censuring the immediate proposition and the 
whole situation, as he was wont, and so he exhausted 
his time before he had touched upon any of the revolu- 
tionary aspects of the matter. This was done not be- 
cause he did not have the privilege of speaking also on 
that topic, but in order that he might be silenced by 
Trebonius while still appearing to have something 
more to say and thus obtain this additional grievance 
to bring up against him. For he well understood that 
had he employed the entire day, he was still sure to 
be imable to persuade them to vote anything that he 
wished. Hence, when bidden to be silent he did not 
stop immediately, but had to be pushed and dragged 
from the assemblage, whereupon he came back, and at 
last though consigned to prison he did not moderate 
his behavior. 

_35 _ That day was so spent that the tribunes were unable 



to Bpeak any word at all. For in the meetings of the (^'J^'gggv 
people where a measure was also under discussion^ the 
right to speak was given to all the private citizens 
before those that held the offices, to the end, as it 
seemed, that none of them captivated beforehand by 
the opinion of a superior should dissimulate the 
thoughts that he had in mind, but should say what he 
thought with entire frankness. Hence Gallus, being 
afraid that some one might on the next day keep him 
from the Forum or do something worse still, went iuto 
the place of assembly directly after nightfall and 
passed the night there for the sake of the safety that 
the place afforded, and for the purpose of leaving there 
at dawn to join the populace outside. Trebonius, by 
shutting all the doors of the senate-house, caused this 
man to have spent the night and most of the day there 
in vain. Others occupied the site of the gathering by 
night and barred out Ateius, Cato, Favonius and the 
remainder of their followers. When Favonius and 
Nianius got in somehow unobserved and Cato and 
Ateius climbed upon the shoulders of some of those 
standing around and being lifted up by them declared 
an omen directing the meeting to break up, the attend- 
ants of the tribunes drove them both out, wounded the 
rest who were with them and actually killed a few. 

After the law was in this way ratified and the people —36 — 
were already departing from the assembly Ateius took 
Gallus covered with blood (he had been struck in being, 
forced out of the gathering), -led him into the presence 
of those stUl on the spot, exhibited him to them, and 
by making all the comments that were natural, stirred 



B. c. 55 them mightily. The consuls were made aware of this 
and came quickly, having, indeed, been waiting some- 
where near to see what was going on. As they had a 
considerable body-guard they intimidated the men, im- 
mediately called a meeting and passed the additional 
measures relating to Caesar. The same persons tried 
to resist these, too, but were unable to accomplish any- 

—37 — The consuls had this enactment passed, and next they 
laid heavier penalties upon such as bribed any persons, 
as if they themselves were any the less guilty because 
they had secured their office not by money but by 
force. They had even undertaken to curtail personal 
expenditures, which had gone to great lengths, although 
they themselves indulged in every kind of luxury and 
delicacy; they were prevented, however, by this very 
business of lawmaking. For Hortensius, one of the 
men fondest of expensive living, by reviewing the great 
size of the city and adverting with commendation to 
the costliness of their homes and their magnanimity to- 
ward others, persuaded them to give up their inten- 
tion, for he could use their mode of life to champion 
his words. They respected his contention, and fur- 
thermore, because they shrank from appearing to 
debar others through any envy from rights that they 
themselves enjoyed, they voluntarily withdrew their 

_38— These were the same days in which Pompey dedi- 
cated the theatre wherein we take pride even at the 
present time. In it he provided an entertainment con- 
sisting of music and gymnastic contests, and in the 



Tiippodrome a horse-race and the slaughter of many ^^f'ggg. 
beasts of all kinds. Five hundred lions were used up 
in five days, and eighteen elephants fought against 
men in heavy armor. Some of these beasts were killed 
immediately and others much later. For some of them, 
contrary to Pompey's "wish, were pitied by the people 
when they were woimded and ceased fighting and 
walked about with their trunks raised toward heaven. 
They lamented so bitterly as to give rise to the report 
that they did so not by accident, but were crying out 
upon the oaths in which they trusted when crossing 
over from Lib;^ a, and were calling upon Heaven to 
avenge them. For it is said that they would not set 
foot upon the ships before they received a pledge under 
oath from their leaders that they should verily suffer 
no harm : whether this is really so or otherwise, I know 
not. For some in time past have further declared that 
in addition to understanding the language of their 
native country they also comprehend what is going on 
in the sky, so that at the time of new moon, before that 
luminary comes within the gaze of men, they reach 
running water and there make a kind of purification of 
themselves. These are some of the things I have 
beard; I have heard also that this theatre was not 
erected by Pompey, but by one Demetrius, a f reedman 
of his, with the money he had gained while making cam- 
paigns with the general. Wherefore he yielded the 
name of the structure most justly to his master, that he 
might not be Ul spoken of for having, as his freedman, 
gathered money enough to suffice for so huge an ex- 



m"??« No doubt in this Pompey afforded the populace no 

Om \j, iyo 

(a. u. 699) little delight, but in making with Crassus the levies, 
according to their votes, he displeased them exceed- 
ingly. Then the majority repented of their course and 
praised Cato and the rest. So the latter group both 
on his account and because a certain lawsuit, nominally 
against their lieutenants but really against them and 
with reference to their acts had been instituted by some 
of the tribunes, dared indeed to commit no act of vio- 
lence, but, together with the malcontents in the senate, 
changed their clothing as if for a calamity. They im- 
mediately, however, repented in regard to this costume 
and without waiting for any excuse went back to their 
accustomed dress. Now when the tribunes endeavored 
to abolish the levies and rescind the vote for the pro- 
posed campaigns, Pompey, for his part, showed no 
anger. He had sent out his lieutenants without delay 
and he himself was glad to remain where he was on the 
plea that he was prevented from going abroad, espe- 
cially as he ought to be in Eome on account of his du- 
ties in the care of the grain ; and his plan in that case 
was to let his officers subdue the Hispanise and himself 
manage the affairs at Eome and in the rest of Italy. 
Crassus, however, since neither of these considerations 
operated in his case, turned to force of arms. The 
tribunes, then, seeing that their boldness, being un- 
armed, was too weak to hinder any of his under- 
takings, in general kept silence. They announced 
many unusual portents, however, that applied to him, 
as if they could avoid including the public in their 
curse: at one time as he was offering on the Capitol 



the customary prayers for his campaign they spread ■^'J^'lgg, 
a report of omens and wonders, and again when he was 
setting out they called down many terrible curses upon 
him. Ateius even attempted to cast him into prison, 
but other tribunes resisted, and there was a conflict 
among them and a delay, in the midst of which Crassus 
left the pomerium. 

Now he, whether by chance or as a result of the 
curses, before long met with defeat. As for Csesar, he, — 40 — 

B C 56 

in the consulship of Marcellinus and Philippus, had (o. «. 698) 
made an expedition against the Veneti, who live near 
the ocean. They had seized some Eoman soldiers sent 
out for grain and afterward detained the envoys who 
came to see about them, to the end that in exchange 
they might get back their own hostages. Ctesar, instead 
of giving these back, sent out different bodies of troops 
in various directions, some to waste the possessions of 
those who had joined the revolt and thus to prevent the 
two bands from aiding each other, and others to guard 
the possessions of those that were under treaty for 
fear they too might cause some disturbance : he him- 
self meanwhile went straight against the Veneti. 
He constructed in the interior boats, which he heard 
were of advantage for the reflux tide of the ocean, and 
conveyed them down the river Liger, but in so doing 
used up almost the entire season to no purpose. Their 
cities, established in strong positions, were inaccessible, 
and the ocean surging around practically all of them 
rendered an infantry attack out of the question, and a 
naval attack equally so in the midst of the ebb and 
flow of the tide. Consequently Caesar was in despair 



B. c. 56 until Decimus Brutus came to him with, swift ships 

(o. M. 698) 

from the Mediterranean. And he was mclined to think 
he would be unable to accomplish anything with those 
either, but the barbarians through contempt for the 
smallness and weakness of the cutters incurred defeat. 

—41— For these boats, with a view to rapid progress, had 
been built rather light in the prevailing style of naval 
architecture among us, whereas those of the barba- 
rians, because in the constant reflux of the ocean they 
often needed to rest on dry ground and to hold out 
against the succession of ebb and flow, surpassed them 
very much in both size and stoutness. For these rea- 
sons the barbarians, never having had any experience 
with such a fleet, in view of the appearance of the ships 
believed their effectiveness of no importance; and as 
soon as they were lying at anchor they set sail against 
them, thinking to sink them in a very short time by 
means of their boathooks. They were carried by an 
extremely powerful wind, for their sails were of leather 
and so received greedily the full force of the wind. 

—43— Now Brutus for a time paid good heed to that fact and 
did not dare to sail out against them because of the 
number and size of the ships and the sweep of the wind 
and their impetus, but prepared to repel their attack 
near the land and to abandon the boats altogether. 
When, however, the wind suddenly fell, the waves were 
stilled, and the boats could no longer be propelled 
even with oars but because of their great heaviness 
stopped almost motionless, then he took courage and 
sailed to meet them. Falling upon them he wrought 
them many serious injuries with impunity, using both 



flank and smashing tactics/ now ramming one of them, ^- ^- ^^ 
now backing water, in whatever way and as much as 
he liked, sometimes with many vessels against one and 
again with equal numbers opposed, occasionally even 
approaching safely with few against many. At what- 
ever point he was superior to them, there he stuck to 
them closely, and some he sank by ripping them open, 
and others he boarded from all sides with his mariners 
for a hand to hand conflict, thus slaughtering many. If 
he found himself inferior at any place, he very easily 
retired, so that the advantage rested with him in any 
case. The barbarians did not use archery and had not —43 — 
provided themselves beforehand with stones, not ex- 
pecting to have any need of them. Hence, if any one 
came into close quarters with them, they fought him off 
after a fashion, but with those that stood a little dis- 
tance from them they knew not how to cope. So they 
were wounded and killed, some being unable to repel 
any one, and some of the boats were rammed and torn 
open, while others were set on fire and burned; still 
others were drawn off in tow, as if empty of men. The 
rest of the crews seeing this waited no longer: some 
killed themselves to avoid being captured alive and 
others leaped into the sea with the idea that from there 
they might board the hostile ships, or in any event not 
perish at the hands of the Eomans. In earnestness 
and daring they were no whit inferior, but grieved ter- 

1 The two kinds of naval tactics mentioned here {nepmXou? and StixnXou?) 
consist respectively ( 1 ) in describing a semi-circle and making a broad- 
side attack with the purpose of ramming an opposing vessel, and (2) in 
dashing through the hostile ranks, breaking the oars of some ship and 
then returning to ram it when disabled. Both methods were employed 
in early Greek as well as in Roman warfare. 



^' ^6981 ^^^^^ ^^ being betrayed by the stationary qualities of 
their vessels. The Romans, to make sure that the wind 
when it sprang up again should not move the ships, 
applied from a distance long poles fitted with knives, 
by means of which they cut the ropes and split the sails. 
Through the circumstance that the enemy were com- 
pelled to fight a kind of land battle in their boats 
against a foe conducting a naval battle, great numbersi 
perished there and all the survivors were captured. 
Of these Caesar slew the most prominent and sold the 

—44— Next he made a campaign against the Morini and 
Menapii, their neighbors, expecting to terrify them by 
what he had already accomplished and capture them 
easily. He failed, however, to subdue any of them. 
They had no cities, living only in huts, and they con- 
veyed their most valued treasures to the ruggedest 
parts of the mountains, so that they did the attacking 
parties of the Romans much more harm than they 
themselves suffered. Caesar attempted by cutting down 
the forests to make his way into the very mountains, 
but renounced his plan on account of their size and the 
nearness of winter, and retired. 

^45_ While he was still in Venetia, Quintus Titurius Sabi- 
nus, his lieutenant, was despatched against the Unqlli, 
whose leader was Viridovix. At first he was greatly 
terrified at their numbers and would have been satis- 
fied if only the camp should be saved, but later he per- 
ceived that though this advantage made them bolder, 
they were not in reality dangerous, and he took courage. 
Most of the barbarians, in fact, in their threats make 
all sorts of terrible boasts that are without foundation. 



Even so he did not dare to venture a passage of arms , b. c. 56 

^ ° (o. M. 698) 

openly with them, for they kept him in position by mere 
numbers, but induced them recklessly to assault his 
rampart, th6ugh the site was on high ground. He did 
this by sending about evening, as a deserter, one of his 
allies who spoke their language, and persuaded them 
that Csesar had met with reverses. Trusting this re- 
port they straightway started out heedlessly against 
the Eomans (for they were gorged with food and 
drink), in the fear that they might flee before their 
arrival. Moreover, since their plans contemplated not 
allowing even the fire^priest* to be saved they brought 

1 Dio has evidently imitated at this point a sentence in Herodotos, 
VIII, 6 (as shown by the phraseologj;), where it is remarked that 
" the Persians [at Artemisium] were minded not to let a single soul " 
of the Greeks escape. The expression is, in general, a proverbial one, 
applied to utter destruction, especially in warfare. Its source is 
GrTeek, and lies in the custom of the Spartans (see Xenophon, Polity of 
the Lacedaemonians, chapter 13, section 2), which required the pres- 
ence in their army of a priest carrying fire kindled at the shrine of 
Zeus the Leader, in Sparta, this sacred fire being absolutely essential 
to the proper conduct of important sacrifices. Victors would naturally 
spare such a priest on account of his sacred character; he regularly 
possessed the inviolability attaching also to heralds and envoys: and 
the proverb that represents him' as being slain is (as Suidas notes) 
an effective bit of epigrammatic exaggeration. Other references to 
this proverb may be found (by those interested) in Hawlinson's note 
on the above passage of Herodotos, in one of the scholia on the 
Phoenician Maidens of Euripides (verse 1377), in Sturz's Xenophontean 
Lexicon, in Stobaios's Florilegium (XLIV, 41, excerpt from Nicolaos 
Damascenes), in Zenobios's Centwria (V, 34), and finally in the dic- 
tionaries of Suidas and Hesychios. 

The following slight variations as to the origin of the phrase are to be 
found in the above. The scholiast on Euripides states that in early 
times, before the trumpet was invented, it was customary for a torch- 
bearer to perform the duties of a trumpeter. Each of any two opposing 
armies would have one, and the two priests advancing in front of their 
respective armies would cast their torches into the intervening space 
and then be allowed to retire unmolested before the clash occurred. 
Zenobios, a gatherer of proverbs, uses the word " seer " instead of 
priest. That the saying was an extremely common one seems to be 
indicated by the rather naive definition of Hesychios: 

Fire-Bearer. The man bearing fire. Also, the only man saved in war. 

Of course, this may be simply the unskillful condensation of an au- 



B. c. 56 along chips and logs, carrying some and dragging 

\ 0/. u. u Jo ) 

others, with the evident intention of burning them 
alive. Thus they made their attack up-hill and came 
climbing up eagerly, meeting with no resistance. Sabi- 
nus did not move until the most of them were within 
his power. Then he charged down upon them from all 
sides at once, and terrifying those in front he dashed 
them all headlong down the hill, and while they were 
upset, tumbling over one another and the logs, he cut 
them down to such an extent that no one of them or of 
the others rose against him again. For the Gauls, 
who are unreasonably insatiate in all respects alike, 
know no limits in either their courage or their f ear^ but 
fall from the one into unthinkable cowardice and from 
the other into headstrong audacity. 
— 46— About the same period, Publius Crassus, too, son of 
Marcus Crassus, subjugated nearly all of Aquitania. 
The people are themselves Gauls, and dwell next to 
Celtica, and their territory extends straight along the 
Pyrenees to the ocean. Against these Crassus mad© 
his campaign, conquering the Sotiates in battle and 
capturing them by siege. He lost a few men, to be 
sure, by treachery in the course of a parley, but de- 
fended them vigorously in this very action. On seeing 
some others in a gathering with soldiers of Sertorius 
from Spain who carried on the war with more strategy 
than recklessness, believing that the Romans through 
lack of supplies would soon abandon the country, he 
pretended to be afraid of them. Though incurring 
their contempt he did not even so draw them into a con- 
flict with him, but while they were calmly awaiting 



developmeaits he attacked them suddenly and uafex- ■^■'^•^^q> 
pectedly. At the point where he met them he accom- 
plished nothing, because the barbarians advanced and 
repelled him vigorously; but while their main force 
was there, he sent some men around to the other side of 
their camp, got possession of this, which was destitute 
of men, and passing through it took the fighters in the 
rear. In this way they were all annihilated, and the 
rest, all but a few, made terms without a murmur. 
This was the work of the summer. "While the r-^''' — 

B. C. 55 

Eomans were m wmter quarters on friendly ground {a. u. 699) 
the Tencteri and Usipetes, Celtic tribes, partly because 
forced out by the Suebi and partly because called upon 
by the Gauls, crossed the Rhine and invaded the coun- 
try of the Treveri. Finding Csesar there they became 
afraid and sent to him to make a truce, asking for land 
or at least the permission to take some. When they 
could obtain none, at first they promised voluntarily 
to return to their homes and requested an armistice. 
Later their young men, seeing a few horsemen of his 
approaching, despised them and altered their deter- 
mination: thereupon they stopped their journey, har- 
assed the small detachment, which would not await their 
attack, and elated over this success continued the war. 
Their elders, condemning their action, came to Caesar —48 — 
even contrary to their advice and asked him to pardon 
them, laying the responsibility upon a few. He de- 
tained these emissaries with the assurance that he 
would give them an answer before long, set out against 
the other members of the tribe, who were in their tents, 
and came upon them as they were passing the noon 
hour and expecting no hostile demonstration, inasmuch 


— 49 — 


as the delegation was with hitn. Rushing into the 
tents^ he found great numbers of infantrymen who did 
not have time even to pick up their weapons, and he 
cut them down near the wagons where they were dis- 
turbed by the presence of the women and the children 
scattered promiscuously about. The cavalry was ab- 
sent at the time, and immediately, when the men learned 
of the occurrence, they set out to their native abodes 
and retired among the Sugambri. He sent after them 
and demanded their surrender, not because he expectpd 
that they would give themselves up to him (the men 
beyond the Rhine were not so afraid of the Romans as 
to listen to anything of that sort), but in order that on 
this excuse he might cross the stream itself. He him- 
self was exceedingly anxious to do something that no 
one had previously equaled, and he expected to keep 
the Celts at a distance from the Gauls by invading the 
former's territory. When, therefore, the cavalry re- 
fused to give themselves up, and the Ubii, whose land 
was coterminal with the Sugambri and who were at va- 
riance with them, invoked his aid, he crossed the river 
by bridging it. But on finding that the Sugambri had 
betaken themselves into their strongholds and that the 
Suebi were gathering apparently to come to their aid, 
he retired within twenty days. 

The Rhine issues from the Celtic Alps, a little out- 
side of Rhaetia, and proceeding westward, with Gaul 
and its inhabitants on the left, it bounds the Celts on 
the right, and finally empties into the ocean. This has 

1 Reading airrds (as Boissevain) in preference to adrout ("upon 



always, even till now, been considered tlie boundary, /J^'j^'ggg, 
from which they came to the difference in names, since 
very anciently both the peoples dwelling on each side 
of the river were called Celts. 

Caesar, then, first of Romans crossed the Rhine at — 50 — 
this time, and later in the consulship of Pompey and 
Crassus he traversed the channel of Britain. This 
country is distant from the Belgic mainland, opposite 
the Morini, three hundred and fifty stades at the short- 
est computation,^ and extends alongside the rest of 
Gaul and nearly all of Spain, reaching out into 
the sea. To the very first of the Greeks and 
Romans it was not even known; to their descend- 
ants it was a matter of dispute whether it was 
a continent or an island. And its history was written 
from both points of view by many who knew nothing 
about it, because they had not seen with their own eyes 
nor heard from the natives with their own ears, but 
indulged in guesses according as each had leisure or 
fondness for talk. As time went on, first under Agri- 
cola as propraetor and now under Severus as emperor, 
it has been clearly proven to be an island. 

To this land then, Caesar, since he had won over the —51 — 
Morini and fhe rest of Gaul was quiet, desired to cross. 
He made the voyage with infantry by the most desir- 
able course, but did not select the best landing-place. 
For the Britons, having ascertained in advance that he 
was sailing agaiast them, had secured all the landings 

1 About sixty miles. It is interesting to compare here Caesar's (prob- 
ably less accurate) estimate of thlrtif miles in his Gallic War 
(V, 2, 3). 



B. c. 55 on the main coast. Accordingly, he sailed around a 

{a. u. 699) ^ "" 

kind of projecting headland and coasted along on the 
other side of it. There he disembarked in shoal water, 
conquered those who joined battle with him and got a 
footing on dry land before more numerous assistance 
could come, after which he repulsed their attack also. 
Not many of the barbarians fell, for they had chariot 
drivers, and being mounted easily escaped the Romans, 
whose cavalry had not yet arrived ; but alarmed at the 
reports about them from the mainland and because 
they had dared to cross at all and had managed to set 
foot upon the land, they sent to Caesar some of the 
Morini who were friends of theirs, to see about terms 
of peace. On this occasion he demanded hostages, 
— 52— which they were willing to give. But as the Eomans 
meanwhile began to encounter difficulties by reason of 
a storm which damaged their fleet that was present 
and also the one on the way, they changed their minds 
and though not attacking the invaders openly (for their 
camp was strongly guarded), they received some who 
had been sent out to bring in provisions on the assump- 
tion that the country was friendly, and destroyed them 
all, save a few, to whose rescue Caesar came with speed. 
After that they assaulted the very camp of the in- 
vaders. Here they accomplished nothing, but fared 
badly; they would not, however, make terms until they 
had been often defeated. And Caesar properly did not 
intend to make peace with them, but since the winter 
was approaching and he was not equipped with a suffi- 
cient force to continue fighting at that season, — more- 
over because his supplies had failed and the Gauls in 



Ms absence had begua an uprising, — be somewhat un- , b. c. 55 

.,,. , , , (o. u. 699) 

Willingly concluded a truce with them, demanding this 
time still more hostages, but obtaining only a few. 

So he sailed back to the mainland and put an end to —53 — 
■the disturbances. From Britain he had won nothing 
for himself or for the City except the glory of having 
conducted an expedition against that land. But on this 
he prided himself greatly and the Eomans at home 
magnified it to a remarkable degree. Seeing that the 
formerly unknown had become certain and the pre- 
viously unheard of accessible, they regarded the hope 
arising from these facts as already realized and exulted 
over their expected achievements as if the latter were 
already within their grasp. 

Hence they voted to celebrate a thanksgiving for 
twenty days : but while that was taking place there was — 54 — 
an uprising in Spain, which was consequently assigned 
to Pompey's care. Some tribes had revolted and ob- 
tained the help of the Vaccsei : while still unprepared 
they were conquered by Metellus Nepos, but as he was 
besieging Clunia they assailed him, proved themselves 
his superiors, and won back the city, at another time 
they were beaten, though without being enslaved or 
anything like it. In fact, they so far surpassed their 
opponents in numbers that Nepos was glad to remain 
quiet and not run any risks. 

About this same time Ptolemy, although the Eomans _55_ 
had voted not to assist him and were even now highly 
indignant at the bribery he had instituted, was never- 
theless restored and got back the kingdom. Pompey 
and Gabinius effected this. So much power did oflBcial 
VOL. 2.— 13 193 


B. c. 55 authority and abundance have as against the decrees 

{a. u. 699) '' , -r^ i 

of the people and the senate that when Pompey sent 
orders to Gabinius, then governor of Syria, the latter 
immediately put his army in motion. So the former 
out of kindness and the latter through corrupt influ- 
ence restored the king contrary to the wish of the com- 
monwealth, paying no heed either to it or to the utter- 
ances of the Sibyl. Gabinius was later brought to trial 
for this, but on account of Pompey 's influence and the 
money at his command was not convicted. Public ad- 
ministration had so deteriorated among the Eomans 
of that day that when some of the magistrates and 
jurymen received from him only a very little of the 
great bribes that he disbursed, they heeded no require- 
ment of propriety, and furthermore instructed others 
to commit crimes for money, showing them that they 
could easily buy immunity from punishment. At this 
time, consequently, Gabinius was acquitted; but he was 
again brought to trial on some other charge, — chiefly; 
that he had plundered more than a million from the 
province, — and was convicted. This was a matter of 
great surprise to him, seeing that by money he had 
freed himself from the former suit ; but it was for that 
reason principally that he was condemned on these 
chargCiS. It was also a surprise to Pompey, because 
previously he had, through his friends, rescued Ga- 
binius even at a distance, but now while in the suburbs 
of the city and, as you might say, in the courtroom 
itself, he had accomplished nothing. 
— 56 — This was the way of it. Gabinius had injured Syria 



in many ways, even to the point of inflicting more dam- ^- ^- ^^^ 
age upon the people than had the pirates, who were 
then in their prime. Still, he regarded all his gains 
from that source as mere trifles and was at one time 
planning and preparing to lead a campaign also 
against the Parthians and their wealth. Phraates had 
heen treacherously murdered by his children, and 
Orodes having taken the kingdom in turn had expelled 
Mithridates his brother from Media, which he was 
governing. The latter took refuge with Gabinius and 
persuaded him to connive at his restoration. How- 
eiver, when Ptolemy came with Pompey's letter and 
promised that he would furnish large sums, both to 
him and the army, Gabinius abandoned the Parthian 
project and hastened to Egypt. This he did although 
the law forbade governors to enter any one's territory 
outside their own borders or to begin wars on their 
own responsibility, and although the people and the 
Sibyl had declared that the man should not be restored. 
But the only restraint these considerations exercised 
was to lead him to sell them for a higher price. He 
left iu Syria Sisenna his son, a mere boy, and a very 
few soldiers with him, exposing the province to which 
he had been assigned more than ever to the pirates. 
He himself then reached Palestine, arrested Aristobu- 
lus, who had caused some trouble at Rome and escaped, 
sent him to Pompey, imposed tribute upon the Jews 
and thereafter invaded Egypt. 

Berenice was at this time ruling the Egyptians, and —57— 
though she feared the Romans she accorded him no sat- 



B. c. 55 isfactory treatment. Instead, she sent for one Seleu- 

(et. «. 699) "' ' 

cus who purported to belong to the royal race that 
once had flourished in Syria, acknowledged him as her 
husband and made bim sharer of the kingdom and of 
the war. "When he was seen to be held in no esteem, 
she had him kUled and joined to herself on the same 
terms Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who had de- 
serted to Sulla; he was an energetic man living in 
Syria. Gabinius could, indeed, have stopped the evil 
in its beginning : he had arrested Archelaus, of whom 
he had been suspicious all along, and seemed likely, 
therefore, to have no further trouble. He was afraid, 
however, that this course might cause him to receive 
from Ptolemy less of the money that had been stipu- 
lated, on the assumption that he had done nothing of 
importance, and he hoped that he could exact even a 
larger amount in view of the cleverness and renown of 
Archelaus ; moreover he received numerous other con- 
tributions from the prisoner himself and so voluntarily 
— 68— released him, pretending that he had escaped. Thus 
he reached Pelusium without meeting opposition, and 
while advancing from there with his army in two divi- 
sions he encountered and conquered the Egyptians on 
the same day, and after this vanquished them again on 
the river with his ships and also on land. For the 
Alexandrians are very apt to face everything boldly 
and to speak out whatever may occur to them, but for 
war and its terrors they are decidedly worthless. This 
is true in spite of the fact that in seditions, which occur 
among them in great numbers and of serious propor- 
tions, they always become involved in slaughter, set- 



ting no value upon life as compared with the rivalry , ^- ^-f:"!,, 

-^ ^ •' (a. u. 699) 

of the moment, but pursuing destruction in such quar- 
rels as if it were a most necessary prize. So Gabinius 
conquered them, and after slaying Archelaus and many 
others he immediately gained control of all Egypt and 
delivered it over to Ptolemy. 

Now Ptolemy killed his daughter and the foremost 
and richest of the other citizens, because he had much 
need of money. Gabinius after restoring him in this — 59 — 
fashion sent no message home about what he had done, 
in order not to give them information against himself 
of his transgressions of the law. But it was not possi- 
ble for a proceeding of such magnitude to be concealed. 
The people learned it directly, for the Syrians cried out 
loudly against Gabinius, especially since in his absence 
they were terribly abused by the pirates; and again 
the tax collectors, being unable to levy taxes on account 
of the marauders, were owing numerous sums. This 
enraged the populace: they passed resolutions and 
were ready to condemn him. Cicero attacked him vig- 
orously and advised them to read again the Sibylline 
verses, expecting that there was contained in them 
some punishment, in case their injunctions should be 
transgressed. Pompey and Crassus were still consuls, — eo — 
and the former acted as his own interests dictated, 
while the latter was for pleasing his colleague and also 
soon received money sent him by Gabinius. Thus they 
openly justified his conduct, calling Cicero among 
other names " exile," and would not put the question 
to a vote. "When, however, they had ended their ofi&ce, , ^- ^- £1, 

' . . [a. u. 700) 

and Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius became 



B. c. 54 their successors, once more many resolutions were pub- 
Co. «. 700) 

lislied and the majority proved to be against Grabinius. 

Domitius was hostile to Pompey on account of the lat- 
ter 's canvass and because he had been appointed consul 
contrary to his wish. Claudius, although a relative of 
Pompey 's, still wished to play the game of politics and 
indulge the people, and furthermore he expected to 
get bribes from Gabinius, if he should cause him any 
imeasiness. So both worked in every way against him. 
The following fact, also, militated strongly against 
him; that he had not received a certain lieutenant sent 
in advance by Crassus to succeed him in the office, but 
held fast to the position as if he had obtained an eternal 
sovereignty. They decided, therefore, that the verse of 
the Sibyl should be read, in spite of Pompey 's opposi- 
— 81— tion. Meantime the Tiber, perhaps because excessive 
rains took place somewhere up the stream above the 
city, or because a violent wind from the sea beat back 
its outgoing tide, or still more probably, by the act of 
some Divinity, suddenly rose so high as to inundate all 
the lower levels in the city and to overwhelm much even 
of the higher ground. The houses, therefore, being 
constructed of brick, were soaked through and washed 
away, while all the cattle perished under water. And 
of the men all who did not take refuge betimes on 
very high points were caught, some in their dwellings, 
some on the streets, and lost their lives. The remain- 
ing houses, too (because the evil lasted for many days), 
became rotten and injured some persons at once and 
others afterward. The Romans, distressed at such 
calamities and expecting others worse because, as they 



thought, Heaven had become angry with them for the ^'^'fL. 
restoration of Ptolemy, were urgent to put Gabinius 
to death even while absent, believing that they would bo 
harmed less if they should destroy him with speed. So 
insistent were they that although nothing about pun- 
ishment was found in the Sibylline oracles, still the 
senate passed a preliminary resolution that the gov- 
ernors and populace might accord him very bitter and 
harsh treatment. 

"While this was going on, money sent ahead by Ga- —62 — 
binius caused by its very presence a setback to his 
interests though he was not only absent but not even 
on his way home. And, indeed, he was placed by his 
conscience in such a wretched and miserable condition 
that he long delayed coming to Italy, and was conveyed 
to his house by night, and for a considerable number 
of days did not dare to appear outside of his house. 
Complaints were many and he had abundance of ac- 
cusers. Accordingly, he was first tried for the restora- 
tion of Ptolemy, as his greatest offence. Practically 
the entire populace surged into the courthouse and 
often wished to tear him to pieces, particularly because 
Pompey was not present and Cicero accused him with 
fearful earnestness. Though this was their attitude, 
he was acquitted. For he himself, appreciating the 
gravity of the charges on which he was tried, expended 
vast simis of money, and the companions of Pompey 
and Caesar very willingly aided him, declaring that a 
different time and different king were meant by the 
Sybil, and, most important of all, that no punishment 
for his deeds were recorded in her verses. 



— 63— The populace, therefore, came near killing the jury- 
la. m-'too) men, but, when they escaped, turned their attention to 

the remaining complaints against him and caused him to 
be convicted at least on those. The men who were 
chosen by lot to pass judgment on the charges both 
feared the people and likewise obtained but little from 
Gabinius ; knowing that his conduct in minor matters 
only was being investigated and expecting to win this 
time also he did not lay out much. Hence they 
condemned him, in spite of Pompey's proximity 
and Cicero's advocacy of his cause. Pompey had 
left town to attend to the grain, much of which 
had been ruined by the river, but set out with 
the intention of attending the first court, — for 
he was in Italy, — and, as he missed that, did not 
retire from the suburbs until the other was also 
finished. He had the people assemble outside the 
pomerium, since, as he held already the office of pro- 
consul, he was not allowed to enter the town^ and ha- 
rangued them at length in behalf of Gabinius, reading 
to them a letter sent to him by Caesar in the man's be- 
half. He even implored the jurymen, and not only 
prevented Cicero from accusing him again but actually 
persuaded him to plead for him ; as a result the deroga- 
tory epithet of " deserter " became widely applied to 
the orator. However, he did Gabinius no good: the 
latter was at this time convicted and exiled, as stated, 
but was later restored by Caesar. 

— 64 — At this same time the wife of Pompey died, after giv- 

ing birth to a baby girl. And whether by the arrange- 



uaent of Caesar's friends and his or because there were 
some who wished on general principles to do them a 
favor, they caught up the body, as soon as she had re- 
ceived proper eulogies in the Forum, and buried it in 
the Campus Martins. The opposition of Domitius and 
his declaration (among others) that it was impious for 
any one to be buried in the sacred spot without some 
decree proved of no avail. 

At this season Gains Pomptinus also celebrated the —65- 
triumph over the Gauls. Up to that time, as no one 
granted him the right to hold it, he had remained out- 
side the pomerium. And he would have missed it then, 
too, had not Servius Galba, who had made a campaign 
with him, granted as praetor secretly and just before 
dawn to certain persons the privilege of voting : — this, 
in spite of the fact that it is not permitted by law for 
any business to be transacted in the popular assembly 
before the first hour. For this reason some of the 
tribunes, who had been left out of the meeting, caused 
him trouble (at least, in the procession), so that there 
was some killing. 






The following is contained in the Fortieth of Bio's Rome. 

How CsBsar for the second time sailed across into Britain 
^chapters 1-3.) 

How Csesar turned back from Britain and again engaged 
in war with the Gauls (chapters 4-11). 

How Crassus began to carry on war with the Parthiana 
(chapters 12, 13). 

About the Parthians (chapters 14, 15). 

How Crassus was defeated by them and perished (chap- 
ters 16-30). 

How Caesar subjugated the whole of Transalpine Gaul 
(chapters 31-43). 

How Milo killed Clodius and was condemned by the court 
(chapters 44-57). 

How Caesar and Pompey began to be at variance (chapters 

Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Domitius and 
Appius Claudius, together with four additional years, in which there 
were the following magistrates here enumerated. 

Cn. Domitius M. p. Calvinus, M. Valerius j| M!essala.||l 
(B. 0. 53 = a. u. 701.) 

II Cn. Pompeius ]| Cn. p. Magnus (III), Csecilius Me- 
tellus Soipio ISTasicse f. (B. C. 52 = a. u. 702.) 

Servius Sulpicius Q. f. Rufus, M. Claudius M. f. 
Marcellus. (B. C. 51 = a. u. 703.) 

L. ^milius M. f. Paulus, || C. Claudius C. f. Mar- 
cellus. || (B. C. 50 = a.u. 704.) 



These were the occurrences in Rome while the city — i — 

'' B. C. 54 

was passing through its seven hundredth year. In Gaul (a. «. 7oo) 
Caesar during the year of those same consuls, Lucius 
Domitius and Appius Claudius, among other undertak- 
ings constructed ships of a style halfway between his 
own swift vessels and the native ships of burden, en- 
deavoring to make them as light as possible and yet 
entirely seaworthy, and he left them on dry land to 
avoid injury. When the weather became fit for sailing, 
he crossed over again to Britain, giving as his excuse 
that the people of that country, thinking that he would 
never cross to them again because he had once retired 
empty-handed, had not sent all the hostages they had 
promised; the truth of the matter was that he vehe- 
mently coveted the island, so that he would have cer- 
tainly found some other pretext, if this had not been in 
existence. He came to land at the same place as before, 
no one daring to oppose him because of the number of 
his ships and his approaching the shore at all points at 
once; thus he got possession of the harbor immediately. 
The barbarians for the reasons specified had not been — 2 — 
able to hinder his approach and being far more afraid 
than before, because he had come with a larger army, 
carried away all their most valued possessions into the 
most woody and overgrown portions of the neighboring 
country. After they had put them in safety by cutting 
down the surrounding wood and piling more upon it 
row after row imtil the whole looked like an entrenched 



B. c. 54 camp, they proceeded to annoy Eoman foraging par- 
ties. Indeed, in one battle after being defeated on 
open ground they drew the invaders toward that spot 
in pursuit, and killed many of them. Soon after, as a 
storm had once more damaged the ships, the Britons 
sent for allies and set out against their naval arsenal 
itself, with Casuvellaunus, regarded as the foremost of 
the chiefs in the island, at their head. The Eomans 
upon meeting them were at first thrown into confusion 
by the attack of their chariots, but later opened ranks, 
and by letting them pass through and striking the oc- 
cupants obliquely as they drove by, made the battle 

— 3— equal. For the time being both parties remained 

where they were. At another meeting the barbarians 
proved superior to the infantry, but were damaged by 
the cavalry and withdrew to the Thames, where they 
encamped after planting stakes across the ford, some 
visible and some under water. But Caesar by a power- 
ful assault forced them to leave the palisade and later 
on by siege drove them from the fort, and others re- 
pulsed a party of theirs that attacked the harbor. They 
then became terrified and made terms, giving hostages 
and being rated for a yearly tribute. 

— 4— Under these circumstances Caesar departed entirely 

from the island and left no body of troops behind in it. 
He believed that such a force would be in danger while 
passing the winter on a foreign shore and that it might 
be inconvenient for him to absent himself from Gaul 
for any considerable period : hence he was satisfied with 
his present achievements, in the fear that if he reached 



for more, lie might be deprived of these. It seemed , ^■^•^*, 

. {a- «• 700) 

that in this he had done rightly, as was, indeed, proved 
by what took place. For when he had gone to Italy, in- 
tending to winter there, the Gauls, though each sep- 
arate nation contained many garrisons, still planned 
resistance and some of them openly revolted. So if 
this had happened while he was staying in Britain to 
finish the winter season, all the hither regions would 
have oeen a scene of confusion indeed. 

This war was begun by the Eburones, imder Am-" — 5 — 
biorix as chief. They said the disturbance was due to 
their being oppressed by the presence of the Eomans, 
who were commanded by Sabinus and Lucius Cotta, 
lieutenants. As a matter of fact they despised the gar- 
rison, thinking they would not prove competent to de- 
fend themselves and expecting that Caesar would not 
speedily head an expedition against their tribe. They 
accordingly came upon the soldiers unawares, expect- 
ing to take the camp without striking a blow, and, when 
they failed of this, had recourse to deceit. Ambiorix 
after setting ambuscades in the most suitable spots 
came to the Eomans for a parley and represented that 
he had taken part in the war against his will and was 
himself sorry. But against the others he advised them 
to be on their guard, for his compatriots would not 
obey him and were intending to attack the garrison at 
night. Consequently he made the suggestion to them 
that they should abandon Eburonia, because they would 
be in danger, if they stayed, and pass on as quickly as 
possible to where some of their comrades were winter- 



~ ^ "7 ing near by. The Eomans were persuaded by this dis- 
(o. u. 700) closure, especially as he had received many favors 
from Caesar and seemed in this to be repaying him in 
kindness. They packed up their belongings with zeal 
just after nightfall and later^ started out, but fell into 
the ambush set and suffered a terrible reverse. Cotta 
with many others perished immediately: Sabinus was 
sent for by Ambiorix under the pretext of saving him, 
for the Gallic leader was not on the ground and even 
then seemed faithful to him personally; on his arrival, 
however, Ambiorix seized him, stripped him of his 
arms and clothing, and then struck him down with his 
javelin, utteriug boasts over him, one to this effect: 
* ' How can such creatures as you are have the idea of 
ruling a nation of our strength? " This was the fate 
that these men suffered. The rest managed to break 
through to the fortress from which they had set out, 
but when the barbarians assailed that, too, and they 
could neither repel them nor escape, they killed one 
— 7 — After this event some other of the neighboring tribes 
revolted, among them the Nervii, though Quintus 
Cicero, a brother of Marcus Cicero and lieutenant of 
Caesar, was wintering in their territory. Ambiorix ad- 
ded them to his force and began a conflict with Cicero. 
The contest was close, and after capturing some pris- 
oners alive the chieftain tried to deceive him likewise, 
but being unable to do so resorted to siege. Before 
long by means of his large force and the experience 

iThe exact time, daybreak, is indicated in Caesar's Gillie War, 
V, 31, 6. 



"whicli he had gained from the campaign that he made ^- ^v^i,. 
with the Eomans, together with some detailed informa- 
tion that he obtained from the captives, he managed to 
enclose him with a palisade and ditch. There were 
battles, as natural in such operations, — many of them, 
— and far larger numbers of barbarians perished, be- 
cause there were more of them. They, however, by 
reason of their abundant army were never in sight of 
destruction, whereas the Eomans, not being many in 
the first place, kept continually growing fewer and were 
encompassed without difficulty. They were unable to — 8 — 
treat their wounds with success through lack of the 
necessary applications, and did not have a large supply 
of food, because they had been besieged unexpectedly. 
No one came to their aid, though many were wintering 
at no great distance, for the barbarians guarded the 
roads with care and all who were sent out they caught 
and slaughtered before the eyes of their friends. As 
they were therefore in danger of being captured, a 
Nervian who was friendly to them as the result of 
kindness shown and at this time was besieged with 
Cicero, presented them with a slave of his to send as a 
messenger through the lines. Because of his dress and 
his native speech he would be able to associate with the 
enemy as one of their number, without attracting no- 
tice, and after that he could depart. In this way Caesar — 9 — 
learned of what was taking place (he had not yet gone 
to Italy but was still on the way), and, turning back, 
he took with him the soldiers in the winter establish- 
ments through which he passed, and pressed rapidly 
VOL. 2.— 14 209 


^' ^"fl^ on. Meanwhile being afraid that Cicero in despair of 

(o. «. 700) ° . ^ 

assistance might suffer disaster or capitulate, he sent 
forward a horseman. He did not trust the servant of 
the Nervian, in spite of having received an actual proof 
of his good will : he was afraid that he might pity his 
countrymen and work him some great evil. So he sent 
a horseman of the allies who knew their dialect and 
had dressed himself in their garb. And in order that 
even he might not voluntarily or involuntarily reveal 
the secret he gave him no verbal message and wrote to 
Cicero in Greek all the injunctions that he wished to 
give, in order that even if the letter should be captured, 
it might still be incomprehensible to the barbarians and 
afford them no information. He had also the custom 
as a usual thing, when he was sending a secret order 
to any one, to write constantly the fourth letter beyond, 
instead of the proper one, so that the writing might be 
unintelligible to most persons. The horseman reached 
the camp of the Romans, but not being able to come 
close up to it he fastened the letter to a small javelin 
and hurled it into the enemy's ranks, fixing it purposely 
in a tower. Thus Cicero, on learning of the advent of 
— 10 — CsBsar, took courage and held out more stubbornly. The 
barbarians for a long time knew nothing of the assist- 
ance he was bringing; he journeyed by night, lying by 
day in most obscure places, so as to fall upon them as 
far as possible unawares. At last from the unnatural 
cheerfulness of the besieged they suspected it and sent 
out scouts. Learning from them that Csesar was at last 
drawing near they set out against him, thinking to at- 
tack him while off his guard. He received advance in- 



formation of this movement aoad remained where he ^^'^'^qq) 
was that night, but just before dawn took up a strong 
position. There he encamped apparently with the ut- 
most haste, for the purpose of appearing to have only 
a few followers, to have suffered from the journey, to 
fear their onset, and by this plan to draw them to the 
higher ground. And so it proved. Their contempt for 
him led them to charge up hill, and they met with such 
a severe defeat that they committed not another war- 
like act. 

In this way both they and all the rest were at that — ii — 
time subdued; they did not, however, feel kindly to- 
ward the Romans. The Treveri, indeed, when Caesar 
sent for the principal men^ of each tribe and punished 
them, through fear that they, too, might be called upon 
to pay the penalty assumed again a hostile attitude, 
lending an attentive ear to the persuasions of Indutio- 
marus. They led some others who feared the same 
treatment to revolt and headed an expedition against 
Titus Labienus, who was among the Remi, but were 
annihilated in an imexpected sally made by the 

This was what took place in Gaul, and Caesar win- — la — 
tered there so as to be able to keep strict control of af- 
fairs. Crassus, desiring for his part to accomplish 
something that would confer some glory and profit 
upon him, made a campaign against the Parthians, 
since after consideration he saw no such opportunity 
in Syria, where the people were quiet and the officers 

1 Compare Csssar's Gallic War, V, 54, 1. 



B. c. 54 y/iio iiad formerly warred against the Eomans were by 

{a. u. 700) . 

reason of their impotency causing no disturbance. He 
had no complaint to bring against the Parthians nor 
had war been decreed, but he heard that they were ex- 
ceeding wealthy and expected that Orodes would be 
easy to capture, because but newly established. There- 
fore he crossed the Euphrates and proceeded to tra- 
verse a considerable portion of Mesopotamia, devastat- 
ing and ravaging the country. As his crossing was un- 
expected by the barbarians no strong guard had been 
placed at that point. Silaces, then governor of that 
region, was quickly defeated near Ichnai, a fortress so 
named, after contending with a few horsemen. He was 
wounded and retired to report personally to the king 
— 13— the Romans' invasion: Crassus quickly got possession 
of the garrisons and especially the Greek cities, among 
them one named Nicephorium. Many of the Macedoni- 
ans and of the rest that fought for the Parthians were 
Greek colonists, oppressed by violence, and not unwill- 
ingly transferred their allegiance to the Romans, who, 
they strongly hoped, would be favorable to the Greeks. 
The inhabitants of Zenodotium, pretending a willing- 
ness to revolt, sent for some of the invaders, but when 
they were within the town cut them off and killed them, 
for which act they were driven from their homes. Out- 
side of this Crassus for the time being neither inflicted 
nor received any serious harm. He certainly would 
have subdued the other regions beyond the Tigris, if 
he had followed up the advantage from his own attack 
and the barbarians' panic equally in all respects, and 
had he wintered furthermore where he was, keeping 



a sharp lookout on their behavior. As it turned out, he B. c. 54 
captured only what he could seize by sudden assault 
and paid no heed to the rest nor to the people them- 
selves, but wearied by his stay in Mesopotamia and 
longing for the indolence of Syria he afforded the Par- 
thians time to prepare themselves and to injure the 
soldiers left behind in their country. 

This was the beginning that the Eomans made of war — 14 — 
against them. They dwell beyond the Tigris, possess- 
ing for the most part forts and garrisons, but also a 
few cities, among them Ctesiphon, in which there is a 
palace. Their stock was very likely in existence among 
the original barbarians and they had this same name 
even under the Persian rule. But at that time they 
inhabited only a small portion of the country and had 
not obtained any transmontane sovereignty. When the 
Persian kingdom had been destroyed and that of the 
Macedonians had reached its prime, and then the suc- 
cessors of Alexander had quarreled one with another, 
cutting off separate portions for their own and 
setting up individual monarchies, this land then first 
attained prominence under a certain Arsaces^ from 
whom their succeeding rulers have received the titl© 
of Arsacidse. By good fortune they acquired all the 
neighboring territory, kept control of Mesopotamia by 
means of satrapies, and finally axivanced to so great 
glory and power as to fight against the Eomans at that 
period and to be considered worthy antagonists up to 
the present time.^ They are really formidable in war- 
fare and possess the greater reputation, in spite of 

1 cp. LXXX, 3. 


— 15 — 


, ^-^-^^n. never having gained anything from the Eomans and 

\ (It U* YOU ) 

having parted with certain portions of their own do- 
main, because they have not yet been enslaved, but even 
now carry wars against us to the end, whenever they 
get into conflicts. About their race and their country 
and the peculiarities of their customs many persons 
have spoken, and I have no intention of compiling an 
account. But it is fair to mention in what follows their 
equipment of arms, and the way they handle a war: 
the examiaation of these details properly concerns the 
present narrative, since it here needs to introduce 
them. The Parthians make no use of a shield, but their 
forces consist of mounted archers and pike-bearers, 
mostly in full armor. Their infantry is small^ made 
up of the weaker persons ; hence it may be said they are 
all archers. They practice from boyhood, and the sky 
and the country cooperate with them for two good 
ends. The latter, being for the most part level, is excel- 
lent for raising horses and very suitable for riding over 
with horses. Therefore even in war the people lead 
about whole droves so that they can use some horses at 
one place and others at another, can ride up suddenly 
from a distance and also retire to a distance speedily. 
The sky above them, too, which is very dry and con- 
tains not the least moisture, affords them perfect op- 
portunity for archery, except in the winter. For that 
reason they mate no campaigns in any direction dur- 
ing the winter season. But the rest of the year they are 
almost invincible in their own country and in any that 
has similar characteristics. By long custom they can 



endure the sun, wMch. is very scorching, and they have .^'^'^qq^ 
discovered many remedies for the scantiness and dif- 
ficulty of a supply of drink, — a fact which is a help to 
them in repelling without difficulty the invaders of their 
land. Outside of this district and beyond the Euphra- « 
tes they have once or twice exercised some sway by 
battles and sudden incursions, but to fight with any 
nation continuously, without stopping, is not in their 
power, when they encounter an entirely different con- 
dition of land and sky and have no supplies of either 
food or pay. 

Such is the Parthian state. Crassus, as has been — 16 — 
stated, invaded Mesopotamia and Orodes sent envoys 
to him in Syria to censure him for the invasion and ask 
the causes of the war; he sent also Surena with an 
army to the captured and revolted sections. He him- 
self had in mind to lead an expedition against Armenia, 
which had once belonged to Tigranes, in order that 
Artabazes, son of Tigranes, the king of the land at that 
time, should, through fear for his own domains, send 
no assistance to the Romans. Now Crassus said that 
he would tell him in Seleucia the causes of the war. 
(This is a city in Mesopotamia having even at the 
present day chiefly a Greek population.) And one of 
the Parthians, bringing down upon the palm of his left 
hand the fingers of the other, exclaimed: " More 
quickly will hair grow herein, than you will reach 

And when the winter set in,^ in which Gnaeus Cal- — 17 — 

B. C. 53 
1 Verb supplied by Keiske. <"• "• '^<'l) 



B. c. 53 vinus and Valerius MessaJa became consuls, many por- 
tents occurred even in Rome itself. Owls and wolves 
were seen, prowling dogs did damage, some sacred 
statues exuded sweat and others were destroyed by 
lightning. The offices, partly through rivalry but 
chiefly by reason of birds and omens, were with diffi- 
culty filled at last in the seventh month. Those signs, 
however, gave no clear indication as to what the event 
would be. For affairs in the City were in turmoil, the 
Grauls had risen again, and, though the Romans knew 
it not as yet, they had broken into war against the 
Parthians : but to Crassus signs that were both evident 
and easy to interpret appeared as he was crossing the 
Euphrates opposite Zeugma.* That spot has been so 
called from the campaign of Alexander, because he 

— 18— crossed at this point. The omens were of the following 
nature. There is a small shrine and in it a golden 
eagle, which is found iu all the legions that are on the 
register, and it never moves from the winter-quarters 
except the whole army goes forth on some errand. One 
man carries it on a long shaft, which ends in a sharp 
spike for the purpose of setting it firmly in the ground. 
Now of these so-called eagles one was unwilling to join 
him in his passage of the Euphrates at that time, but 
stuck fast in the earth as if planted until many took 
their places around it and pulled it out by force, so 
that it accompanied even Involuntarily. But one of 
the large standards, that resemble sheets, with purple 
letters upon them to distinguish the division and its 

2 "Zeugma" signifies a ''fastening together" (of boats or other ma- 
terial) to make a bridge. 



commander, turned about and fell from the bridge into , ^- C 53 

.1 . „, . («■ «• 701) 

tne nver. This happened in the midst of a violent 
wind. Then Crassus, who had the rest of equal length 
cut down, so as to be shorter and consequently steadier 
to carry, only increased the prodigies. In the very 
passage of the river so great a mist enshrouded the 
soldiers that they fell over one another and could see 
nothing of the enemy's country until they set foot upon 
it : and the sacrifices both for crossing and for landing 
proved very unfavorable. Meantime a great wind 
burst upon them, bolts of lightning fell, and the bridge, 
before they had all passed over, was destroyed. The 
occurrences were such that any one, even if extremely 
ignorant and uninstructed, would interpret them to 
mean that they would fare badly and not return. Hence 
there was great fear and dejection in the army. Cras- 
sus, trying to encourage them, said : " Be not alarmed, 
fellow soldiers, that the bridge has been destroyed nor 
think because of this that any disaster is portended. 
For I declare to you upon oath that I have decided to 
make my return march through Armenia." By this 
he would have emboldened them, had he not at the end 
added in a loud voice the words : " Be of good cheer : 
for none of you shall come back this way. ' ' When they 
heard this, the soldiers deemed that it, no less than the 
rest, had been a portent for them, and fell into greater 
discouragement; and so it was that they paid no heed 
to the remainder of his exhortation, in which he be- 
littled the barbarian and glorified the Roman State, of- 
fered them money and announced prizes for valor. 


— 19 — 


B. c. 53 Still, even so, they followed and no one said a word or 

{a. u. 701) y ! J . , , - 

committed an act to oppose nmi, partly by reason of 
th.e law, but further because they were terrified and 
could neither plan nor carry out any measures of 
safety. In all other respects, too, as if predestined to 
ruin by some Divinity, they deteriorated both in mind 
and body. 
— 20 — Nevertheless, the greatest injury was done them by 
Abgarus of Osrhoene. He had pledged himself to peace 
with the Eomans in the time of Pompey, but now chose 
the side of the barbarians. The same was done by Al- 
chaudonius the Arabian, who always attached himself 
to the stronger party. The latter, however, revolted 
openly, and hence was not hard to guard against. Ab- 
garus favored the Parthian cause, but pretended to be 
well disposed toward Crassus. He spent money for 
him unsparingly, learned all his plans (which he re- 
ported to the foe), and further, if any course was ex- 
cellent for the Eomans he tried to divert him from it, 
but if disadvantageous, to urge him to it. At last he 
was responsible for the following occurrence. Crassus 
was intending to advance to Seleucia by such a route 
as to reach there safely along the side of the Euphrates 
and on its stream, with his army and provisions. Ac- 
companied by the people of that city, whom he hoped 
to win over easily, because they were Greeks, he could 
cross without difficulty to Ctesiphon. Abgarus caused 
him to give up this course, on the ground that it would 
take a long time, and persuaded him to assail Surena, 
because the latter was near and had only a few men. 



Then, wlieii he had arranged matters so that the in- —21 — 
vader should perish and the other should conquer (for b. c. 53 
he was continually in the company of Surena, on the 
pretext of spying) , he led out the Eomans, blinded by 
folly, to what he said was a victory in their very hands, 
and in the midst of the action joined the attack against 

It happened like this. The Parthians confronted the 
Eomans with most of their army hidden; the ground 
was xmeven in spots and wooded. Crassus seeing them 
— not Crassus the commander, but the younger, who 
had come to his father from Graul, — and despising 
them (supposing them to be alone), led out his cavalry 
and, as they turned purposely to flight, pursued them. 
In his eagerness for victory he was separated far from 
his phalanx, and was then caught in a trap and cut 
down. When this took place the Eoman infantry did —28 — 
not turn back, but valiantly joined battle with the Par- 
thians to avenge his death. They accomplished noth- 
ing worthy of themselves, however, because of the 
enemy's numbers and tactics, especially as they suf- 
fered from the plotting of Abgarus. If they decided to 
lock shields for the purpose of avoiding the arrows by 
the density of their array, the pike-bearers were upon 
them with a rush, would strike down some, and at least 
scatter the others: and if they stood apart, so as to 
turn these aside, they would be shot with arrows. 

Hereupon many died from fright at the very charge 
of the pike-bearers, and many hemmed in by the horse- 
men perished. Others were upset by the pikes or were 
carried off transfixed. The missUes falling thick upon 



B. c. 53 them from all sides at once struck down many by an op- 

(o. u. 701) •' •' ^ 

portune blow, put many out of the battle, and caused 
annoyance to all. They flew into their eyes and pierced 
their hands and all the other parts of the body and, 
penetrating their armor, forced them to take off their 
protection and expose themselves to wounds each 
minute. Thus, while a man was guarding agaiast ar- 
rows or pulling out one that had stuck fast he received 
more wounds, one upon another. Consequently it was 
not feasible for them to move, nor feasible to remain 
at rest. Neither course afforded them safety, and both 
were fraught with destruction, the one because it was 
out of their power, and the other because they were 
— 23— more easily wounded. This was what they suffered 
while they were fighting only against visible enemies. 
Abgarus did not immediately make his attempt upon 
them. When he, too, attacked, the Orshoeni themselves 
struck the Eomans from behind in exposed places while 
they were facing in a different direction, and rendered 
them easier for the others to slaughter. For the Eo- 
mans, altering their formation, so as to be facing them, 
put the Parthians behind them. They wheeled around 
again against the Parthians, then back again against 
the Orshoeni, then against the Parthians once more. 
Thrown into still greater confusion by this circum- 
stance, because they were continually changing posi- 
tion this way and that and were forced to face the body 
that was wounding them at the time, many fell upon 
their own swords or were killed by their comrades. 
Finally they were shut up in so narrow a place, with 



the enemy continually assaulting them from all sides at b. c. 53 
once, and compelled to protect their exposed parts by 
the shields of those who stood beside them, that they 
could no longer move. They could not even get a sure 
footing by reason of the number of corpses, but kept 
falling over them. The heat and thirst — it was mid- 
summer and this action took place at noon — and the 
dust, of which all the barbarians raised as much as 
possible by riding around them, told fearfully upon the 
survivors, and many succumbed to these influences, even 
though unwounded. And they would have perished ut- — 24 — 
terly, but for the fact that some of the pikes of the 
barbarians were bent and others were broken, while the 
bowstrings snapped under the constant shootings the 
missiles were all discharged, every sword blunted, and, 
chief of all, that the men themselves grew weary of the 
slaughter. Under these conditions, then, when it grew 
night the assailants being obliged to ride off to a dis- 
tance retired. They never encamp near even the weak- 
est bodies, because they use no intrenchments and if 
any one comes upon them in the darkness, they are un- 
able to deploy their cavalry or their archery to ad- 
vantage. However, they captured no Eoman alive at 
that* time. Seeing them standing upright in their 
armor and perceiving that no one threw away any part 
of it or fled, they deemed that they still had some 
strength, and feared to lay hold of them. 

So Crassus and the rest, as many as could, set out for — 25 — 
Carrse, kept faithful to them by the Eomans that had 
stayed behind within the walls. Many of the wounded 
being unable to walk and lacking vehicles or even men 



B. c. 53 ^Q carry them (for the survivors were glad of the mere 

(a. u. 701) J \ o 

chance to drag their own persons away) remained on 
the spot. Some of them died of their wounds or by 
making away with themselves, and others were cap- 
tured the next day. Of the captives many perished on 
the road, as their physical strength gave out, and many 
later because they were imable to obtain proper care 
inunediately. Crassus, in discouragement, believed he 
would be unable to hold out safely even in the city any 
longer, but planned flight at once. Since it was impos- 
sible for him to go out by day without being detected, 
he undertook to escape by night, but failed to secure 
secrecy, being betrayed by the moon, which was at its 
full. The Eomans accordingly waited for moonless 
nights, and then starting out in darkness and a foreign 
land that was likewise hostUe, they scattered in tremen- 
dous fear. Some were caught when it became day and 
lost their lives : others got safely away to Syria in the 
company of Cassius Longinus, the quaestor. Others, 
with Crassus himself, sought the mountains and pre- 
_26— pared to escape through them into Armenia. Surena, 
learning this, was afraid that if they could reach any 
headquarters they might make war on him again, but 
stUl was xmwilling to assail them on the higher ground, 
which was inaccessible to horses. As they were heavy- 
armed men, fighting from higher ground, and in a kind 
of frenzy, through despair, contending with them was 
not easy. So he sent to them, inviting them to submit 
to a truce, on condition of abandoning all territory east 
of the Euphrates. Crassus, nothing wavering, trusted 



him. He was in the height of terror and distraught by /^'J^'yon 
his private misfortune and the public calamity as well ; 
and because, further, he saw that the soldiers shrank 
from the journey (which they thought long and rough) 
and that they feared Orodes, he was unable to foresee 
anything that he ought. When he displayed acquies- 
cence in the matter of the truce, Surena refused to con- 
duct the ceremony through the agency of others, but in 
order to cut him off with only a few and seize him, he 
said that he wished to hold a conference with the com- 
mander personally. Thereupon they decided to meet 
each other in the space between the two armies with an 
equal number of men from both sides. Crassus de- 
scended to the level ground and Surena sent him a pres- 
ent of a horse, to make sure of his coming to him more 
quickly. While Crassus was thus delaying and plan- —27 — 
ning what he should do, the barbarians took him 
forcibly and threw him on his horse. Meanwhile the 
Romans also laid hold of him, they came to blows, and 
for a time carried on an equal struggle ; then aid came 
to the kidnapers, and they prevailed. The barbarians, 
who were in the plaiu and were prepared beforehand, 
were too quick for the Eomans above to help their 
men. Crassus fell among the rest, whether he was 
slain by one of his own men to prevent his capture 
alive, or whether by the enemy because he was wounded 
anyway. This was his end. And the Parthians, as 
some say, poured gold into his mouth in mockery; for 
though a man of great wealth he was so eager for 
money as to pity those who could not support an en- 



B. c. 53 rolled legion from their own means, regarding them as 

{a. «. 701) ° 7 o o 

poor men. Of the soldiers the majority escaped 
through the mountains to friendly territory, but a frac- 
tion fell into the hands of the enemy. 

— 28— The Parthians at this time did not advance beyond 

B. C. 52 '' 

(a. u. 702) the Euphrates, but won back the whole country east 
of it. Later they also (though not in any numbers) 
invaded Syria, because the province had neither gen- 
eral nor soldiers. The fact that there were not many 
of them enabled Cassius easily to effect their repulse. 
When at Carrse the soldiers through hatred of Cras- 
sus granted to Cassius absolute control of themselves, 
and the commander himself on account of the great- 
ness of the disaster voluntarily allowed it, but Cassius 
would not accept it: now, however, he took charge of 
Syria perforce, for the time being and subsequently. 
For the barbarians would not keep away from it, but 
campaigned once more against them with a larger band 
and under the nominal leadership of one Pacorus by 
name, the son of Orodes, though under the real direc- 
tion of Osaces (for the other was still a child). They 
came as far as Antioch, subduing the whole country be- 
fore them. They had hopes of subjugating also what 
remained, since the Eomans were not at hand with a 
force fit to cope with them, and the people were fretting 
under Eoman rule but ready to turn to the invaders, 
who were neighbors and acquaintances. 

— 29— As they failed to take Antioch, where Cassius re- 

pulsed them severely and they were unable to institute 
any siege, they turned to Antigonea. The neighbor- 



hood of the city was overgrown with wood and they /^- ^-^v 
were dismayed, not beiag able to march into it. They 
then formed a plan to cut down the trees and lay bare 
the whole place so that they might approach the town 
with boldness and safety. Finding themselves unable 
to do this, because the task was a great one and their 
time was spent in vara, while Cassius harassed those 
scattered about, they retired apparently with the in- 
tention of proceeding against some other position. 
Meanwhile Cassius set an ambush on the road along 
which they were to depart, and confronting them there 
with a few men he induced them to pursue, led them 
into the trap, and kUled Osaces and others. Upon the 
latter 's death Pacorus abandoned all of Syria and 
never invaded it again. 

He had scarcely retired when Bibulus arrived to — so — 
govern Syria. His coming, to be sure, was in contra- 
vention of a decree intended to prevent rivalry for of- 
fice, so productive of seditions, that no praetor nor con- 
sul, at once or at any time withia four years, should go 
abroad to hold office. He administered the subject 
country in peace, and turned the Parthians against one 
another. Having won the friendship of Orondapates, 
a satrap, who had a grudge agaiast Orodes, he per- 
suaded him through messengers to set up Pacorus as 
king, and with him to conduct a campaign against the 

This war came to an end in the fourth year from the B. c. 51 
time when it had begun, and while Marcus MarceUus '^"' "' ^''^^ 
and Sulpicius Euf us were consuls. In that same period — 31 — 
Caesar by battle again gained control of Gallic affairs, 
VOL. 2.— 15 225 


B. c. 51 virliich were in an unsettled state. He accomplished 

(a. u. 703) '^ 

very much himself and some things through his lieuten- 
ants, of which I will state only the most important. 
Ambiorix won the confidence of the Treveri, who at 

/ ^' ^'rr^^is this time were still smarting under the setback of Indu- 
ce, u. 700) . <= 

tiomarus's death, raised a greater conspiracy in that 
quarter, and sent for a mercenary force from the CeltiE. 
Labienus wishing to join issue with them before this 
last contingent should be added to their number in- 
vaded the coxmtry of the Treveri in advance. The lat- 
ter did not defend themselves, as they were awaiting 
reinforcements, but put a river between the two armies 
and remained quiet. Labienus then gathered his sol- 
diers and addressed them in words of such a nature as 
were likely to alarm his own men and encourage the 
others : they must, he said, before the Celtse repelled 
them, withdraw to Caesar and safety; and he immedi- 
ately gave the signal to pack up the baggage. Not 
much later he began actually to withdraw, expecting 
that that would occur which really did. The barbarians 
heard of his speech, — they took very good care in such 
matters and it was for just that reason that it had been 
delivered publicly, — and thought he was really afraid 
and truly taking to flight. Hence they eagerly crossed 
the river and started toward the Eomans with spirit, 
as fast as each one could. So Labienus received their 
attack while they were scattered, and after terrifying 
the foremost easily routed the rest because of the 
action of the men in front. Then as they were fleeing 
in disorder, falling over one another and crowding to- 
ward the river, he killed many of them. 



Not a few of them escaped even so, of whom Caesar — ?p ~ 

B. C. 53 

made no account, except of Ambiorix : this man by hur- ,(». u. 701 ) 
rying now one way and now another and doing much 
injury caused Caesar trouble in seeking and pursuing 
him. Not being able to catch him by any device the 
Roman commander made an expedition agaiast the 
Celtae, alleging that they had wished to help the 
Treveri. On this occasion likewise he accomplished 
nothing, but retired rapidly through fear of the Suebi : 
he gained the reputation, however, of having crossed 
the Rhine again, and of the bridge he destroyed only 
the portions near the barbarians, constructing upon it a 
guard-house, as if he might at any time have a desire 
to cross. Then, in anger at the successful flight of Am- 
biorix, he delivered his country, though guilty of no re^ 
bellion, to any one who wished, to be plundered. He 
gave public notice of this in advance, that as many as 
possible might assemble, wherefore many G-auls and 
many Sugambri came for the plunder. It did not suf- 
fice the Sugambri, however, to make spoil of Gallic 
territory, but they attacked the Eomans themselves. 
They watched until the Eomans were absent getting 
provender and made an attempt upon their camp ; but 
meanwhile the other soldiers, perceiving it, came to the 
rescue and killed a number of the assailants. Inspired 
with a fear of Caesar by this encounter they hurriedly 
withdrew homeward : he inflicted no punishment upon 
any one of them because of the winter and the political 
disputes in Eome, but after dismissing the soldiers to 
their winter-quarters, went hioaself to Italy on the plea 



B. c. 53 of cariaff for Hither Gaul, but really in order that he 

(a. u. 701) ° 

might be located close to what was taking place in 
the city. 

— 33— Meantime the Gauls made another outbreak. The 
(».'«. 702) Arvemi under the leadership of Verciagetorix re- 
volted, killed all the Romans they found in their coim- 
try, and proceeding against the tribes in alliance with 
the foreigner bestowed favors upon such as were will- 
ing to join their revolt, and injured the rest, CiEsar, 
on ascertaining this, returned and found that they had 
invaded the Bituriges. He did not try to repel them, 
all his soldiers not being at hand as yet, but by invading 
the Arvemian country in his turn drew the enemy 
home again, whereupon, not deeming himself yet a 

_34_ match for them, he retired in good season. They ac- 
cordingly went back to the Bituriges, captured Avari- 
cum, a city of theirs, and in it maintained a resistance 
a long time, for the wall was hard to approach, being 
bordered on one side by almost trackless swamps and 
on the other by a river with a swift current. When, 
therefore, later they were besieged by the Romans, 
their great numbers made it easy for them to repel 
assaults, and they made sallies, inflicting great damage. 
Finally they burned over everything in the vicinity, not 
only fields and villages but also cities from which they 
thought assistance could come to the foe, and if any- 
thing was being brought to them from allies at a dis- 
tance, they seized it for booty. Therefore the Romans, 
while appearing to besiege the city, really suffered the 
fate of besieged, until a furious rain and great wind 



sprang up (the -vnnter having already set in) during .^•^•~^^. 
their attack on one point in the wall, which first drove 
the assailants back, making them seek shelter in their 
tents, and then confined the barbarians, too, in their 
houses. "When they had gone from the battlements 
the Romans suddenly attacked again, while there were 
no men there : and first capturing a tower, before the 
enemy became aware of their presence, they then with- 
out difficulty got possession of the remaining works, 
plundered the whole city, and in anger at the siege and 
their hardship slew all the men. 

After effecting this Caesar conducted a campaign —35 — 
against their territory. The rest of the Arvemi in 
view of the war being made upon them had gained pos- 
session in advance of the bridges which he had to 
cross ; and he being in doubt as to how he should pass 
over, proceeded a considerable distance along the bank 
to see if he could find any place suitable for going over 
on foot through the water itself. Soon after he reached 
a woody and overshadowed spot, from which he sent 
forward the baggage-carriers and most of his army a 
long way, with line stretched out: he bade them go for- 
ward so that all his troops might appear to be in that 
one division. He himself with the strongest portion 
remained behind, cut down the wood, made rafts, and 
on them crossed the stream while the barbarians stUl 
had their attention fixed on those going along in front 
and calculated that Caesar was among them. After 
this he called back the advance party by night, trans- 
ferred them across in the same way, and conquered the 
country. The people fled in a body to Grergovia, carry- 
ing there all their most valued possessions, and Caesar 



B. c. 52 iiad a great deal of toil to no purpose in besieging them. 

— 36 — Their fort was on a strong hill and they had strength- 
ened it greatly with walls ; also the barbarians round 
about had seized all the high ground and were keeping 
guard over it, so that if they remained in position they 
could safely hold their own, and if they charged down 
they would gain the greater advantage. For Caesar, 
not having any sure position to choose, was encamped 
in the plain and never knew beforehand what was 
going on: but the barbarians, higher up, could look 
down upon his camp and kept making opportune 
charges. If they ever advanced farther than was fit- 
ting and were beaten back, they quickly got within 
their own domain again; and the Romans in no way 
could come as near to the places as stones and javelins 
could be hurled. The time was in general spent use- 
lessly: often when he assaulted the very height upon 
which their fortress was located, he would capture a 
certain portion of it so that he could wall it in and 
continue thence more easily his progress against the 
rest of it, but on the whole he met with reverses. He 
lost a number of his soldiers, and saw that the enemy 
could not be captured. Moreover, there was at this 
time an uprising among the jEdui, and while he was 
absent attending to them, the men left behind fared 
badly. All these considerations led Caesar to raise the 

_37_ The -^dui in the beginning abode by their agree- 
ments and sent him assistance, but later they made war 
rather involuntarily, being deceived by Litaviccus and 
others. He, having been unable by any other course to 



persuade tliem to adopt a hostile attitude, managed to ,^' J^'-^, 
get the appointment of conveying some men to CaRsar 
to be the latter 's allies. He started off as if to fulfill 
this mission, but sent ahead also some horsemen and 
bade some of them return and say that their com- 
panions and the rest of their men in the camp of the 
Romans had been arrested by the latter and put to 
death. Then he further excited the wrath of his sol- 
diers by delivering a speech appropriate to the mes- 
sage. In this way the -^dui themselves rose and led 
others to revolt with them. Caesar, as soon as he ascer- 
tained this, sent to them the iEdui whom he had and 
was thought to have slain, so that they might be seen by 
all to be alive, and followed on with his cavalry. On 
this occasion, then, they repented and made terms. 
The Romans were later, by reason of Caesar's absence, 
defeated close to Gergovia and then entirely withdrew 
from that coimtry; wherefore those who had caused 
the uprising and were always desirous of a change in 
politics feared that if they delayed the Eomans might 
exact vengeance^ from them, and consequently rebelled 
entirely. Members of their tribe who were campaign- 
ing with Caesar, when they learned of this, asked him 
to allow them to return home, promising that they 
would arrange everything. Released on these condi- 
tions they came to Noviodunum where the Romans had 
deposited money and grain and many hostages, and 
with the cooperation of the natives destroyed the gar- 
risons, who were not expecting hostility, and became 

1 A gap here is filled by following approximately Bekker's conjecture. 


— 38 — 


B. c. 52 masters of all of them. That city, because advan- 

(a. u. 702) •" _ 

tageous, they burned down, to prevent the Eomans 
from making it a starting point for the war, and they 
next caused the remainder of the ^dui to revolt. 
Caesar, therefore, attempted to march agaiast them at 
once, but not being able, on account of the river Liger, 
he turned his attention to the Lingones, And not even 
there did he meet with success. Labienus, however, 
occupied the island in the Sequana river by conquer- 
ing its defenders on the shore, and crossed over at 
many points at once, both down stream and up, in order 
that his troops might not be hindered by all crossing at 
one spot. 

_39_ Before this happened Vercingetorix, filled with con- 
tempt for Caesar because of his reverses, had marched 
agaiast the AUobroges. And he intercepted the Roman 
leader, who had meantime started out evidently to aid 
them, when he was in Sequania, and surrounded him 
but did him no damage : on the contrary he compelled 
the Eomans to be brave through despair of safety, but 
he failed himself by reason of his numbers and au- 
dacity and was even defeated to a certain extent by the 
Celtse that were allies of the Eomans; for to their 
charges with unwearying bodies they added the 
strength of daring and so broke through the enclosing 
ranks. Having discovered this device Caesar did not 
give ground, but shut up in Alesia such of the foe as 

_40_ fled, and besieged them. Now Vercingetorix at first, 
before the wall had entirely cut off his followers, had 
sent out the horsemen to get fodder for the horses 
(there being none on hand), and in order to let them 



disperse, each to Ms native land, and bring thence pro- b. c. 52 

. . ' ° {a. u. 702) 

Visions and assistance. As these delayed and food 
supplies began to fail the beleaguered party, he thrust 
out the children and the women and the most useless 
among the rest, vainly hoping that either the outcasts 
would be saved as booty by the Romans or else those 
left in the town might perhaps survive by enjoying for 
a longer time the supplies that would have belonged to 
their companions. But Caesar to begin with had not 
sufficient himself to feed others. Thinking, therefore, 
that by their return he could make the deficiency of 
food seem more severe to the enemy (for he expected 
that the expelled would without doubt be received), 
he forced them all back. So these perished most miser- 
ably between the city and the camp, because neither 
party would receive them. The relief looked for from 
the horsemen and such others as they were conducting 
reached the barbarians before long, but it was then de- 
feated^ by the onset of the Eomans in a cavalry battle. 
Thereupon the relief party tried by night to enter the 
city through the enclosing wall but was bitterly disap- 
pointed : for the Eomans had made hidden pits in those 
roads which were used by horses and had fixed stakes 
in them, afterward making the whole surface resemble 
the surrounding country; thus horse and man, falling 
into them absolutely without warning, were mangled. 
These reinforcements did not, however, give up until, 
marshaled once more in battle array beside the very 
walls, they themselves and at the same time the men ia 
the city who came out to fight had met with failure. 

iVerb supplied by Oddey. 



— ^1 — Now Vercingetorix might have escaped, for he had 
(a. M. 702); not been captured and was iinwounded, but he hoped, 
because he had once been on friendly terms with Caesar, 
that he would obtain pardon from him. So he came to 
him without any announcement by herald, but appeared 
before him suddenly, as Caesar was seated on a plat- 
form, aud threw some that were present iuto alarm; 
he was first of all very tall, and iu a suit of armor he 
made an extremely imposing figure. When quiet had 
been restored, he uttered not a word, but fell upon 
his knees and remained so, with clasped hands. This 
inspired many with pity at remembrance of his former 
fortune and at the distressiag state in which he now 
appeared. But Csesar reproached him in this very 
matter on which he most relied for ultimate safety, 
and by setting before him how he had repaid friendli- 
ness with the opposite treatment proved his offence to 
have been the more abominable. Therefore he did not 
pity him even for one moment, but immediately con- 
fined him in bonds, and later, after sending him to his 
triumph, put him to death. 
_43— This wasi really a later occurrence. At the time 
(^'J? 703) previously mentioned he gained some of the survivors 
by capitulation and enslaved the rest, after conquering 
them in battle. The Belgse, who live near by, put at 
their head Commius, an Atrebatian, and resisted for 
a great while. They fought two close cavalry battles 
and the third time in an infantry battle they showed 
themselves at first an equal match, but later, attacked 
unexpectedly in the rear by cavalry, they turned to 
flight. After this the remainder abandoned the camp 



by night, and as they were passing through a wood set b. c. 51 
fire to it, leaving behind only the wagons, in order that ' "" '*' 
the enemy might be delayed by these and by the fire, 
and they retire to safety. Their hopes, however, were 
not realized. The Eomans, as soon as they perceived 
their flight, pursued them and on encountering the fire 
they extinguished part of it and hewed their way 
through the rest. Some even ran right through the 
flame, overtook the fugitives without warning and 
slaughtered great numbers. Thereafter some of them — 43 — 
capitulated, but the Atrebatian, who escaped, would 
not keep quiet even after this experience. He under- 
took at one time to ambush Labienus, and after a de- 
feat in battle was persuaded to hold a conference with 
him. Before any terms were made he was wounded by 
one of the Eomans who surmised that it was not hia 
real intention to make peace, but he escaped and again 
proved troublesome to them. At last, despairing of 
his project, he secured for his associates entire am- 
nesty extending to all their people, and for himself, as 
some say, on condition of never appearing again within 
sight of any Eoman. So the contending parties be- 
came reconciled and subsequently the rest, some volun- 
tarily and others overcome in war, were subdued. 
Then Caesar by garrisons and legal penalties and levies 
of money and assignment of tribute humbled some and 
tamed others. 

Thus this trouble came to an end in the consulship —44 — 
of Lucius Paulus and Gains Marcellus. CsBsar in the ,P\5'-n^, 

ta. U. 704) 

interest of the Gauls and to see about the term allowed 
him for leadership had to leave Gaul and return to 
Rome. His office was about to terminate, the war had 



B. c. 50 ceased, and he had no longer any satisfactory excuse 

(a. u. 704) a J J 

for not disbanding his troops and returning to private 
life. Affairs in the city at this time were in turmoil, 
Crassus was dead, and Pompey had again come to 
power, after being three times consul and having 
managed to get the government of Spain granted to 
him for five years more. The latter had no longer any 
bond of alliance with Caesar, especially now that the 
child, who alone had kept them on friendly terms, had 
passed away. The returning general therefore was 
afraid that stripped of his soldiers he might fall into 
the power of Pompey and of his other enemies, and 
therefore did not dismiss them. 
— 45— In these same years many tumults of a seditious 
(o. M. 701) character had arisen in the city, and especially in con- 
nection with the elections, so that it was fully six 
months before Calvinus and Messala could be ap- 
pointed consuls. And not even then would they have 
been chosen, had not Quintus Pompeius Eufus, though 
the grandson of Sulla and serving as tribune, been cast 
into prison by the senate, whereupon the measure waa 
voted by the rest who were anxious to commit some out- 
rages, and the campaign against opposition was handed 
over to Pompey. Sometimes the birds had prevented 
elections, refusing to allow the offices to belong to in- 
terreges; above all the tribunes, by managing affairs 
in the city so that they instead of the praetors conducted 
games, hindered the remaining offices from being 
filled. This also accounts for Eufus having been con- 
fined in a cell. He later on brought Favonius the aedile 



to the same place on some small charge, in order that , b. c. 53 

. ^ ° ' (a. M. 701) 

he might have a companion in his disgrace. But all 
the tribunes introduced various obstructive pleas, pro- 
posing, among other things, to appoint military trib- 
unes, so that more persons, as formerly, might come to 
office. When no one would heed them, they declared 
that Pompey, at all events, must be chosen dictator. 
By this pretext they secured a very long delay : for he 
"was out of town, and of those on the spot there was no 
one who would venture to vote for the demand (for 
in remembrance of Sulla's cruelty they all hated that 
policy), nor yet venture to refuse to choose Pompey, on 
accoimt of their fear of him. At last, quite late, he —46 — 
came himself, refused the dictatorship offered to him, 
and made preparation to have the consuls named. 
These likewise on account of the turmoil from assas- 
sinations did not appoint any successors, though they 
had laid aside their senatorial garb and in the dress 
of knights convened the senate as if on the occasion of 
some great calamity. They also passed a decree that 
no one, — either an ex-praetor or an ex-consul, — should 
assume foreign office until five years should have 
elapsed : this they did to see if people when it was no 
longer in any one's power to be immediately elected 
would cease their craze for office. For no moderation 
was being shown and there was no purity in their 
methods, but they vied with one another in expending 
great sums and fighting more than ever, so that oncei 
the consul Calvinus was wounded. Hence no consul 
nor praetor nor prefect of the city had any successor, 



B. c. 52 but at the beffinninff of the year the Bomans were abso- 

(o. ». 702) * ° . j^T 1 1 

lutely "without a govemment m these 

— 47— Nothing good resulted from this, and among other 

things the market recurring every ninth day was held 
on the very first of January. This seemed to the Bo- 
mans to have taken place not by accident, and being con- 
sidered in the ligbt of a portent it caused trepidation. 
The same feeling was increased when an owl was both, 
seen and caught in the city, a statue exuded perspira- 
tion for three days, a flash darted from the south to the 
east, and many thunderbolts, many clods, stones, tiles 
and blood descended through the air. It seems to me 
that that decree passed the previous year, near the close, 
with regard to Serapis and Isis, was a portent equal 
to any : the senate decided to tear down their temples, 
which some private individuals had built. For they 
did not reverence these gods any long time and even 
when it became the fashion to render public devotion to 
them, they settled them outside the pomerium. 

— 48— Such being the state of things in the city, with no 

one in charge of affairs, murders occurred practically 
every day and they did not finish the elections, though 
they were eager for office and employed bribery and 
assassination on account of it. Milo, for instance, who 
was seeking the consulship, met Clodius on the Appian 
Way and at first simply woimded him: then, fearing 
he would attack him. for what had been done, he slew 
him. He at once freed all the servants concerned in 
the business, and his hope was that he might be more 
easily acquitted of the murder, now that the man was 


• 49 — 


dead, than he would be for the wound in case he had , ^- C- &2 

(a. u. 702) 

survived. The people in the city heard of this about 
evening and were thrown into a terrible uproar : for to 
factional disturbances there was being added a start- 
ing-point for war and evils, and the middle class, even 
though they hated Clodius, yet on account of humanity 
and because on this excuse they hoped to get rid of 
Milo, showed displeasure. While they were in this 
frame of mind Eufus and Titus Munatius Plancus took 
hold of them and excited them to greater wrath. As 
tribunes they conveyed the body into the Forum just 
before dawn, placed it on the rostra, exhibited it to all, 
and spoke appropriate words with lamentations. So 
the populace, as a result of what it both saw and heard, 
was deeply stirred and paid no further heed to consid- 
erations of sanctity or things divine, but overthrew all 
the customs of burial and nearly burned down the 
whole city. The body of Clodius they picked up and 
carried into the senate-house, arranged it in due 
fashion, and then after heaping a pyre of benches 
burned both the corpse and the convention hall. They 
did this, therefore, not under the stress of such an 
impulse as often takes sudden hold of crowds, but of 
set purpose, so that on the ninth day they held the 
funeral feast in the Forum itself, with the senate-house 
still smouldering, and furthermore undertook to apply 
the torch to Milo's house. This last was not burned 
because many were defending it. Milo for a time, ia 
great terror over the murder, was hidden not only by 
ordinary citizens but under the guard of knights and 
some senators. When this other act, however, oc- 
curred, he hoped that the wrath of the senate would 



, ^' ^-JS.. pass over to the outrage of the opposing party. They 

(d* w» 702) 

had assembled late in the afternoon on the Palatine for 
this very purpose, and had voted that an interrex be 
chosen by show of hands and that he and the tribunes 
and Pompey, moreover, care for the guarding of the 
city, that it suffer no detriment. Milo, accordingly, 
made his appearance in public, and pressed his claims 
to the office as strongly as before, if not more strongly. 
— 50— As a consequence of this, conflicts and killings in 
plenty began again, so that the senate ratified the 
aforementioned measures, summoned Pompey, allowed 
him to make fresh levies, and changed their garments. 
Not long after his arrival they assembled imder guard 
near his theatre outside the pomerium and resolved 
that the bones of Clodius should be taken up, and 
assigned the rebuilding of the senate-house to Faustus, 
son of Sulla. It was the Curia Hostilia which had 
been remodeled by Sulla. Wherefore they came to 
this decision about it and ordered that when repaired 
it should receive again the former's name. The city 
was in a fever of excitement about the magistrates who 
should rule it, some talking to the effect that Pompey 
ought to be chosen dictator and others that Caesar 
should be elected consul. They were so determined to 
honor the latter for his achievements that they voted to 
offer sacrifices over them sixty* days. Fearing both 
of the men the rest of the senate and Bibulus, who was 
first to be asked and to declare his opinion, anticipated 
the onset of the masses by giving the consulship to 

1 Twenty days according to Caesar's Gallic War (VII, 90). Reimar 
thinks " sixty " an error of the copyists. 



Pompey to prevent his being named dictator, and to ^- '^•»^, 
him alone in order that he might not have CaBsar as 
his colleague. This action of theirs was strange; it 
had been taken in no other case, and yet they seemed 
to have done well. For since he favored the masses 
less than Caesar, they hoped to detach him from them 
altogether and to make him their own. This expecta- 
tion was fulfilled. Elated by the novelty and unex- 
pectedness of the honor, he no longer formed any plan 
to gratify the populace but was careful to do every- 
thing that pleased the senate. 

He did not, however, wish to hold office alone. Pos- — 51 — 
sessing the glory that lay in such a vote having been 
passed he was anxious to divert the envy that arose 
from it. Also he felt afraid that, as the field was 
vacant, Caesar might be given him as colleague through 
the enthusiasm of the powerful classes and the popu- 
lace alike. First of aU, therefore, in order that his 
rival might not think he had been entirely neglected 
and therefore show some just displeasure, he arranged 
through the tribunes that he should be permitted even 
in absence to be a candidate for the office, when the 
proper time came according to law. Pompey himself 
then chose as assistant Quintus Scipio, who was his 
father-in-law and had incurred a charge of bribery. 
This man, by birth son of Nasica, had been transferred 
by the lot of succession to the family of Metellus Pius, 
and for that reason bore the latter 's name. He had 
given his daughter in marriage to Pompey, and now 
received in turn from him the consulship and immunity 
from accusation. Very many had been examined in _5a_ 
the complaint above mentioned, especially because the 
VOL. 2.— 16 241 


^- C!- 52 courts, by Pompey 's laws, were more carefully consti- 
tuted. He himself selected tlie entire list of names 
from which drawings for jurors had to be made, and 
he limited the number of advocates on each side, in 
order that the jurymen might not be confused and dis- 
turbed by the numbers of them. He ordered that the 
time allotted to the plaintiff be two hours, and to the 
defendant three. And what grieved many most of all, 
he revised the custom of eulogizers being presented 
by those on trial (for great numbers kept escaping the 
clutches of the law because commended by persons wor- 
thy of confidence) ; and he had a measure passed that 
such prisoners should in future be allowed no one 
whomsoever to eulogize them. These and other re- 
forms he instituted in all the courts alike; and against 
those who practiced bribery for office he raised up as 
accusers those who had formerly been convicted of 
some such offence, thus offering the latter no small 
prize. For if any one secured the conviction of two 
men on charges equal to that against himself, or even 
on smaller charges, or if one man on a greater charge, 
he went scot free. 

— 53— Among many others who were thus convicted was 
Plautius Hypsseus, who had been a rival of Milo and of 
Scipio for the consulship. Though all three had been 
guilty of bribery he alone was condemned. Scipio 
was indicted, and by two persons at that, but was not 
tried, on account of Pompey : and Milo was not charged 
with this crime (for the murder formed a greater com- 
plaint against him) , but being brought to trial on the 
latter charge he was convicted, as he was not able to 
use any violence. Pompey kept the city in general well 



under guard and himself with armed soldiers entered ,^- ^v^^ 

° , (». «. 702) 

the court. When some raised an outcry at this, he 
ordered the soldiers to drive them out of the Forum 
by striking them with the side, or the flat, of their 
swords. When they would not yield, but showed defi- 
ance as if the broadsides were being used for mere 
sport, some of them were wounded and killed. 

After this, the courts being convened in quiet, many —54 — 
were condemned on various charges, and, for the mur- 
der of Clodius, Milo among others though he had 
Cicero as a defender. That orator, seeing Pompey 
and the soldiers contrary to custom in the court, was 
alarmed and overwhelmed with dread, so that he did 
not deliver any of the speech he had prepared, but 
after saying a few words with effort in a half-dead 
voice, was glad to retire. This speech which is now 
supposed to have been delivered at that time in behalf 
of Milo he wrote some time later and at leisure, when 
he had recovered his courage. There is also the fol- 
lowing story about it. When Milo, in banishment, 
made the acquaintance of the speech sent to him by 
Cicero, he wrote back saying that it was lucky for him 
those words had not been spoken in that form in the 
court ; for he would not be eating such fine mullets in 
Massilia (where he was passing his exile), if any such 
defence had been made. This he wrote, not because 
he was pleased with his circumstances, — he made many 
ventures to secure his return, — but as a joke on Cicero, 
because after saying nothing important at the time of 
the defence he later both practiced and sent to him 
these fruitless words, as if they could now be of any 
service to him. 



— 55— In this way Milo was convicted; and so were Eufus 
(o. w.'702) and Plancus, as soon as they had finished their term 
of office, together with numerous others on account of 
the burning of the senate-house. Plancus was not even 
benefited by Pompey, who was so earnest in his behalf 
that he sent to the court a volume containing both a 
eulogy of the prisoner and a supplication for him. 
Marcus Cato, who was eligible to sit as a juryman, 
said he would not allow the eulogizer to destroy his 
own laws. But he got no opportunity to cast his vote; 
for Plancus rejected him, feeling sure that he would 
give his voice for condemnation : (by the laws of Pom- 
pey each of the parties to a suit was allowed to set 
aside five out of the number that were to judge him;) 
the other jurors, however, voted against him, especially 
as it did not seem right to them after they had con- 
demned Eufus to acquit Plancus, who was on trial on 
the same charge. And when they saw Pompey co- 
operating with him, they showed the more zeal against 
him, for fear they might be thought to be absolute 
slaves of his rather than jurymen. It should be said 
that on this occasion, too, Cicero accused Plancus no 
better than he had defended Milo : for the appearance 
of the courtroom was the same, and Pompey in each 
case was planning and acting against him, — a circum- 
stance that naturally led to a second collision between 
i_56— After attending to these matters Pompey revived 
the law about elections (which had fallen somewhat 
into disuse) commanding those who seek an office to 
present themselves without fail before the assembly, so 
that no one who is absent may be chosen. He also con- 



firmed the ordinance, passed a short time previously, ^- ^•^^„. 
that those who had held office in the city should not be 
allotted to foreign governorships before five years had 
passed. He was not ashamed at this time to record 
such measures, although a little later he himself took 
Spain for five years more and granted Caesar, whose 
friends were in a terrible state of irritation, the right 
to canvass for the consulship (as had been decreed), 
even in his absence. He amended the law to read 
that only those should be permitted to do it who were 
granted the privilege by name and without disguise; 
but of course this was no different from its not being 
prohibited at all, for men who had any influence werei 
certainly going to manage to get the right voted to 

Such were the political acts of Pompey. Scipio —57 — 
without enacting any new laws abolished the measures 
emanating from Clodius, with regard to the censors. 
It looked as though he had done this out of favor to 
them since he restored to them the authority which 
they formerly had : but it turned out to be the opposite. 
For in view of the fact that there were many worthless 
men both in the equestrian and in the senatorial orders, 
so long as it had not been permitted them to expel any 
one, either accused or convicted, no fault was found 
with them on account of those whose names were not 
expunged. But when they got back their old power and 
were allowed to do this and to examine the life of each 
man separately, they had not the hardihood to come to 
an open break with many and did not wish to incur 
any censure for not expelling those gmlty of improper 



B. c. 52 conduct, and for this reason no sensible person liad 

(a. u. 702) , . „ „ /v 

any desire for the office any longer. 

— 58 — This was the vote passed with regard to the censors, 

Cato on the whole did not wish any office, but seeing 
Csesar and Pompey outgrowing the system of govern- 
ment, and surmising that they would either get control 
of affairs between themselves or would quarrel with 
each other and create a mighty strife, the victor in 
which would be sole ruler, he wished to overthrow 
them before they became antagonists, and hence sought 
the consulship to use it against them, because as a pri- 
vate citizen he was likely to wield no influence. His 
designs were guessed, however, by the adherents of the 
B. c. 51 two men and he was not appointed, but instead Marcus 
(a. «. 703) ]\jarcellus and Sulpicius Eufus were chosen, the one 
on account of his acquaintance with the law and the 
other for his ability in speaking. One special reason 
was that they, even if they did not employ bribes or 
violejice, yet showed deference to all and were wont 
to exhort people frequently, whereas Cato was defer- 
ential to no one. He never again became a candidate 
for the office, saying that it was the duty of an upright 
man not to avoid the leadership of the commonwealth 
if any person wished him to enjoy it, nor yet to pursue 

— 59 — it beyond the limits of propriety. Marcellus at once 

directed all his efforts to compass the downfall of 
Caesar, — for he was of Pompey 's party, — and among 
the many measures against him that he proposed was 
one to the effect that a successor to him should be sent 
before the appointed time. He was resisted by Sul- 
picius and some of the tribunes, — by the latter out of 
good will toward Caesar. Sulpicius made common 



cause with them and with the multitude, because he did , b. c. 51 

' (o. M. 703) 

not like the idea of a magistrate who had done no 
wrong being stopped in the middle of his term. Pom- 
pey was starting from the city with the avowed inten- 
tion of leading an expedition into Spain, but he did not 
at this time even leave the bounds of Italy, and after 
assigning to his lieutenants the entire business abroad 
he himself kept close watch on the city. Now when he 
heard how things were going, he pretended that the 
plan of having Caesar detached from his command did 
not please him either, but he arranged matters so that 
when CsBsar should have served out the time allowed 
him, an event not of the distant future, but due to occur 
the following year, — he should lay down his arms and 
return home to be a private citizen. In pursuance of 
this object he made Gains Marcellus, a cousin of Mar- 
cus,^ or a brother (both traditions are current), obtaia 
the consulship, because although allied to Caesar by 
marriage he was hostile to him; and he made Gains 
Curio, who was also an oldtime foe of his rival, receive 
the tribuneship. 

Caesar was on no account inclined to become a pri- — eo — 
vate citizen after so great a command and one of such (^.'w. '704) 
long standing, and was afraid that he might fall into 

1 The words " of Marcus " were added by Leunclavius to make the 
statement of the sentence correspond with fact. Their omission would 
seem to be obviously due to haplography. The confusion about the 
relationship, which might well have arisen by Dio's time, is very 
possibly the consequence of the idiomatic Latin " f rater patruelis " 
used by Suetonius (for instance) in chapter 29 of his Life of Caesar. 
The two men were, in fact, first cousins. Again in Appian (Civil Wars, 
Book Two, chapter 26 ) , we read of " Claudius Marcellus, cousin of 
the previous Marcus." Both had the gentile name Claudius, one being 
Marcus Claudius, and the other Gains Claudius, Marcellus. 



B. 0. 50 the power of Ms enemies. Therefore he made prep- 

(a. u. 704) ^ . 

arations to stay in office in spite of them, collected addi- 
tional soldiers, gathered money, manufactured arms, 
and conducted himself to please all. Meanwhile, desir- 
ing to settle matters at home somewhat beforehand, 
so as not to seem to be gaining all his ends by violence, 
but some by persuasion, he decided to effect a recon- 
ciliation with Curio. For the latter belonged to the 
family of the Curiones, had a keen intelligence, was 
eloquent, was greatly trusted by the populace and ab- 
solutely unsparing of money for all purposes by which 
he could either benefit himself or hoped to gain benefit 
for others. So, by buoying him up with many hopes 
and releasing him from all his debts which on account 
of his great expenditures were numerous^ Caesar at- 
tached him to himself. In view of the present import- 
ance of the objects for which he was working he did 
not spare money, since he could collect it from the 
people themselves, and he also promised various per- 
sons large sums, of which he was destined to give them 
not the smallest particle. He courted not only the 
free but the slaves who had any influence whatever 
with their masters, and as a result a number of the 
knights and the senators, too, joined his party. 
— 61— Thus Curio began to espouse Caesar's cause; not 
immediately, however, did he begin to show open activ- 
ity, because he was seeking an excuse of fair semblance 
and was trying to appear to have transferred his alle- 
giance not willingly, but under compulsion. He also 
took into consideration that the more he should asso- 



ciate with his patron's enemies in the guise of their ^'^'nll) 
friend, the more and the greater secrets of theirs he 
"would learn. For these reasons he dissimulated for a 
very long time, and to prevent any suspicion of his 
having changed sides and not maintaiaing and repre- 
senting stUl at this time an attitude of unqualified 
opposition to Caesar as one of the leading spirits in the 
movement, he even made a public harangue against 
him, as a result of which he gained the tribuneship and 
prepared many unusual measures. Some bills he 
offered against the senate and its most powerful mem- 
bers, who were especially active in Pompey's behalf, 
not because he either wished or expected that any one 
of them would be passed, but in order that, as they did 
not accept them, so no measure might be passed against 
Caesar (for many motions to his detriment were being 
offered by many persons), and that he himself might 
transfer his support on this excuse. After this, having — es — 
used up considerable time at various occasions on vari- 
ous pretexts, not a single one of which met with favor, 
he pretended to be vexed and asked that another month 
be inserted for the legislation that resulted from his 
measures. This practice was followed at regular 
periods, established by custom, but not for any such 
reason as his, and he himself, being pontifex, under- 
stood that fact. Nevertheless he said that it ought to 
be done and made a fine show of forcing his fellow- 
priests. At last not being able to persuade them to 
assent to his proposal (of which he was very glad), he 
wotdd not permit any other matter for this reason to 
be voted upon. On the contrary he already began 



B. 0. 50 openly to justify Caesar's actions, since, as he said, he 

,{a. M. 704) r J a J 7 7 7 

was unable to accomplish anything against him, and 
brought forward every possible proposition which was 
sure of not being accepted. The chief of these was 
that all persons ia arms must lay these down and dis- 
band their legions, or else they should not strip Caesar 
of his weapons and expose hitn to the forces of his 
rivals. This he said, not because he wished Caesar to 
do it, but because he well imderstood that Pompey 
would not yield obedience to it, and thus a plausible 
excuse was offered the former for not dismissing his 
_63— Pompey, accordingly, as he could effect nothing in 
any other way, proceeded without any further disguise 
to harsh measures and openly said and did everything 
against Caesar. He failed, however, to accomplish 
aught. Caesar had many followers, among them Lucius 
Paulus, colleague of Marcellus, and Lucius Piso, his 
father-in-law, who was censor. For at this time Ap- 
pius Claudius and Piso (though the latter did not de- 
sire it), were made censors. So Piso on accoimt of his 
relationship belonged to Caesar, while Claudius op- 
posed him, espousing Pompey 's cause, yet quite in- 
voluntarily he rendered Caesar very efficient aid. He 
expelled very many both of the knights and the sen- 
ators, overpowering his colleague, and in this way 
made them all favor Caesar's aspirations. Piso who 
on every account wished to avoid trouble and to main- 
tain friendship with his son-in-law paid court to many 
people, being himself responsible for none of the above 



acts, but he did not resist Claudius when he drove from ,, ^- ^- ^^. , 

' ,(a. ». 704) 

the senate all the freedmen and numbers of the real 
nobility, among them Sallustius Crispus who wrote the 
History. When Curio, however, was about to have his 
name expunged, Piso, with the help of Paulus (whose 
kinsman he was) , did beg him off. Consequently Clau- — 64 — 
dius did not expel him but made public in the senate the 
opinion that he had of him, so that he^ indignant, rent 
his clothes. Marcellus followed him, and thinking that 
the senate would pass some severe vote against Curio 
and, because of him, against Caesar, brought forward 
propositions about him. Curio at first opposed any 
decision being rendered regarding him; but on comiag 
to realize that of the majority of the senators then 
present some really were attached to Caesar's cause and 
others thoroughly feared him, he allowed them to de- 
cide, saying incidentally only this: " I am conscious 
of doing what is best and most advantageous for my 
country: to you, however, I surrender both my body 
and soul to treat as you please." Marcellus accord- 
ingly accused him, thinking that he would certainly be 
convicted, and then when he was acquitted by the ma- 
jority the accuser took it greatly to heart : rushing out 
of the assembly he came to Pompey, who was in the 
suburbs, and on his own responsibility, without the 
formality of a vote, gave him charge to keep guard 
over the city along with two legions of civilians. These 
soldiers were then present, having been collected in 
the following way and for the following purpose. Pom- — 65 — 
pey before this, while he was stiU on friendly terms 



^' ^' 704 > ^^^^ Csesar,]iad given him one legion composed of those 
troops which, according to the register belonged to 
hitn, inasmuch as he was not conducting any war and 
Caesar had need of soldiers. When they fell out with 
each other, in his desire to get this back from him and 
to deprive him of yet another he delivered a speech, 
stating that Bibulus required soldiers against the Par- 
thians; and in order that no new levies should be 
raised, — for the matter was urgent, he said, and they 
had an abundance of legions, — he got it voted that 
each of them, himself and Caesar, must send one to him. 
Thereupon he failed to despatch any of those engaged 
in warfare under his own command, but ordered those 
whose business it was to demand that legion which he 
had given to Caesar. So nominally both of them con- 
tributed, but in reality Caesar alone sent the two. He 
knew what was being done, but complied with the de- 
mand, not wishing to incur the charge of disobedience, 
particularly because on this excuse he intended to raise 
in turn many more soldiers. 

— 66— These legions, therefore, were apparently made 
ready to be sent against the Parthians, but when there 
proved to be no need of them, (there was really no use 
to which they could be put,) Marcellus, fearing that 
they might be restored to Caesar, at first declared that 
they must remain in Italy, and then, as I have said, 
gave them into Pompey's charge. These proceedings 
took place near the close of the year and were destined 
not to be in force for long, since they had been ap- 
proved neither by the senate nor by the populace : ac- 



cordingly, he brouglit over to Pompey's side Cornelius ^- ^- f° 
Lentulus and Gains Claudius, who were to hold the 
consulship the next year, and caused them to issue the 
same commands. Since they were allowed to give out 
letters to men appointed to office and to perform even 
so early some other functions belonging to the highest 
post in the state before they assumed it, they believed 
that they had authority also in this matter. And Pom- 
pey, although he was very exact in all other details, 
nevertheless on account of his need of soldiers did not 
investigate this action at all, nor the sources from 
which he was getting them, nor in what way, but ac- 
cepted them very gratefully. Yet no such result was 
accomplished as one would have expected to come from 
80 great a piece of audacity: they merely displayed 
their enmity toward Csesar, as a consequence of which 
they could not gather any further formidable equip- 
ment, and furnished to him a plausible excuse for re- 
taining the troops that were with him. For Curio us- 
ing the acts mentioned as his text delivered before the 
populace a violent arraignment both of the consuls and 
of Pompey, and when he had finished his term he at 
once set out to join Caesar. 






The following is contained in tlie Forty-first of Dio's Borne. 

How CsBsar came into Italy, and how Pompey, leaving it, 
sailed across to Macedonia (chapters 1-17). 

How CsBsar subjugated Spain (chapters 18-37). 

How Caesar sailed across to Macedonia to encounter Pom- 
pey (chapters 38-46). 

How Caesar and Pompey fought at Dyrrachium (chapters 

How Caesar conquered Pompey at Pharsalus (chapters 52- 

Duration of time, two years, in which there were the following 
magistrates, here enumerated. 

L. Cornelius P. f. Lentulus, C. Claudius M. f. Mareellus. 
(B. C. 49 = a. u. 705.) 

0. lulius C. F. Caesar (II), P. Servilius P. f. Isauricus. 
;(B. C. 48 = a. u. 706.) 



This is wliat he (sc. Curio) did then: later he came — i — 
to Rome with a letter to the senate from Caesar on the 
very first day of the month on which Cornelius Len- •^'^'•j^^v 
tulus and Gains Claudius entered upon office; and he 
would not give it to the consuls until they reached the 
senate-house, for fear that if they received it outside 
they might conceal it. Even as it was they waited a 
long time, not wishing to read it, but at last they were 
compelled by Quintus Cassius Longinus and Mark An- 
tony, the tribunes, to make it public. Now Antony for 
the favor he did Caesar at the time in this matter was 
destined to receive a great return and to be raised 
himself to heights of power. In the letter was con- 
tained a list of the benefits which Caesar had conferred 
upon the commonwealth and a defence of the charges 
which were brought against him. He promised that 
he would disband his legions and give up his office if 
Pompey would also do the same: for while the latter 
bore arms, he said, it was not just for him to be com- 
pelled to part with his and so be exposed to his enemies. 
The vote on this proposition was taken not individu- — a— 
ally for fear that through having respect to others or 
some element of fear the senators might express the 
opposite of their true opinion ; but it was done by their 
taking their stand on this side or on that of the senate- 
chamber. No one voted that Pompey should cease to 
bear arms (for he had his troops in the suburbs), but 
VOL. 2.— 17 257 


, ^" ^ ■»!?, all, except one Marcus Caelius and Curio, who had car- 
Co. u. 70a) , 

ried his letter, decided that Caesar must. About the 
tribunes I say nothing because no necessity was laid 
upon them to separate iato two different groups; for 
they had authority to contribute their vote if they 
wished, or otherwise not. This^ then, was the decision 
made, but Antony and Longinus did not allow any 
point in it to be ratified either on that day or the next. 
— 3 — The rest, indignant at this, voted to change their garb, 
but through the intervention of the same men did not 
obtain ratification of this measure either. Their opin- 
ion, however, was recorded and the appropriate action 
followed : namely, all straightway left the senate-house, 
and after changing their clothes came in again and pro- 
ceeded to deliberate about vengeance to be taken on 
the obstructionists. They, seeing this, at first resisted 
but later became afraid, especially when Lentulus ad- 
vised them to get out of the way before the votes should 
be cast: hence after many remarks and protestations 
they set out with Curio and with Cselius to Caesar, little 
heeding that they had been expelled from the senate. 
This was the determination reached at that time, and 
the care of the city was committed to the consuls and 
to the other magistrates, as had been the custom. Af- 
terward the senators went outside the pomerium to 
Pompey hunself, declared that there was a state of dis- 
order, and gave to him both the money and soldiers. 
They voted that Caesar should surrender his office to his 
successors and send away his legions by a given day, 
or else be considered an enemy, because acting con- 
trary to the interests of the country. 



When he was informed of this he came to Ariminum, ^q~2q 
then for the first time overstepping the confines of his .(<»• «• 705); 
own pro\ince, and after collecting his soldiers he bade 
Curio and the others who had come with him relate 
what had been done by them. After this was finished he 
inspirited them by adding such words as the ocoasion 
demanded. Next he set out and marched straight upon 
Rome itself, taking possession of all the intervening 
cities without a conflict, since the garrisons of some 
abandoned them by reason of weakness and others es- 
poused his cause. Pompey, perceiving this, was fright- 
ened, especially when he learned all his intentions from 
Labienus. The latter had abandoned Caesar and come 
as a deserter, and he announced all the latter 's secrets 
to Pompey. One might feel surprise that after having 
always been honored by Caesar in the highest degree, 
to the extent of governing all the legions beyond the 
Alps whenever their head was in Italy, he should have 
done this. The reason was that when he had clothed 
himself with wealth and fame he began to conduct him- 
self more haughtily than his position warranted, and 
Caesar, seeing that he put himself on the same level 
with his master, ceased to be so fond of him. As he 
could not endure this changed attitude and was at the 
same time afraid of suffering some harm, he trans- 
ferred his allegiance. 

Pompey as a result of what was told him about — 5— . 
Caesar and because he had not yet prepared a force to 
cope with Mm changed his plans : for he saw that the 
dwellers in the city, yes, the members of the sedition 
themselves, even more than the others, shrank from the 



B. c. 49 ^ar through remembrance of the deeds of Marius and 
ia. u. 705) ° 

Sulla and wished to escape it in safety. Therefore he 
sent as envoys to Caesar, Lucius Caesar, a relative of 
his, and Lucius Eoscius, a praetor, — both of them vol- 
unteering for the service, — to see if he could avoid his 
open attack and then make an agreement with him on 
some fair terms. The other replied to the ssime effect 
as in his letter, previously forwarded, and said also 
that he wished to converse with Pompey : but the peo- 
ple were displeased to hear this, fearing that some 
measures might be concerted against them. When, 
however, the envoys uttered many words in praise of 
Caesar, and finally promised besides that no one should 
suffer any harm at his hands and that the legions 
should immediately be disbanded, they were pleased and 
sent the same envoys to him again, and besought both 
of the opposing leaders with shouts, calling upon them 
everywhere and always to lay down their arms at the 
_6— same time. Pompey was frightened at this, knowing 
well that he would be far inferior to Caesar if they 
should both have to depend on the clemency of the pop- 
ulace, and betook himself to Campania before the en- 
voys returned, with the idea that there he could more 
easily make war. He also commanded the whole senate 
together with those who held the offices to accompany 
him, granting them permission by a decree of absence, 
and telling them in advance that whoever remained be- 
hind he should regard as equal and alike to those who 
were working against him. Furthermore he enjoined 
them to vote that all the public moneys and the votive 
offerings in the city be removed, hoping that from this 



source he could gather a vast number of soldiers. For , ^- ^\il^ 
° . {a. M. 705) 

practically all the cities of Italy felt such friendliness 
for him that when a short time before they had heard 
he was dangerously ill, they vowed they would offer 
public sacrifices for his preservation. That this 
was a great and brilliant honor which they ben 
stowed upon him no one could gainsay; there is 
no one in whose behalf such a vote has been 
passed, except those who later assumed absolute 
sovereignty: nevertheless he had not a sure ground 
of confidence that they would not abandon him 
under the influence of fear of a stronger power. 
The recommendation about the moneys and the votive 
offerings was allowed, but neither of them was touched ; 
for having ascertained meanwhile that Caesar's answer 
to the envoys had been anything but peaceful and that 
he also reproached them with having made some false 
statements about him, that his soldiers were many and 
bold and liable to do any kind of mischief (such re- 
ports, tending to greater terror, as are usually made 
about such matters), the senators became frightened 
and hastily took their departure before they could lay 
a finger on any of the objects. 

For this reason their removal was equally in all —7 — 
other respects of a tumultous and confused appearance. 
The departing citizens, practically all of whom were 
the foremost men of the senate and of the knights and 
of the populace, nominally were setting out for war, 
but really were undergoing the experiences of captives. 
They were terribly distressed at being compelled to 
abandon their country and their pursuits there, and to 



, ^' ^V«L consider foreign walls more native than their own. 

(O. w. 705) "^ ' • 1 J? 

Such as removed with their entire household said fare- 
well to the temples and their houses and their paternal 
threshold with the feeling that these would straightway 
become the property of their opponents: they them- 
selves, not being ignorant of Pompey's intention, had 
the purpose, in case they should survive, of establish- 
ing themselves in Macedonia or Thrace. And those 
who left behind on the spot their children and wives 
and their other most valued possessions appeared to 
have some little hope of their country but really fared 
much worse than the others, since being sundered from 
their dearest treasures they exposed themselves to a 
double and most hostile fortune. For in delivering 
their closest interests to the power of their bitterest 
foes they were destined to play the coward and yet 
themselves encounter danger, to show zeal and yet to be 
deprived of what they prized: moreover they would 
find a friend in neither rival, but an enemy in both, — ■ 
in Caesar because they themselves did not remain be- 
hind, and in Pompey because they did not take the oth- 
ers with them. Hence they assumed a twofold attitude 
in their decisions, in their prayers, and in their hopes : 
with their bodies they were being drawn away from 
those nearest to them, and their souls they found cleft 
in twain. 
— 8— These were the feelings of the departing throng: 
and those left behind had to face a different, but 
equally unpleasant situation. Bereft of the associa- 
tion of their nearest relatives, deprived, as it were, of 
their guardians and far from able to defend them- 



selves, exposed to the enemy and about to be subject ,^'^'^11^ 
to the authority of him who should make himself master 
of the city, they were themselves distressed by fear 
both of outrages and of murders as if they were al- 
ready taking place. In view of these same possibilities 
such as were angry at the fugitives, because they them- 
selves had been left in the lurch, cursed them for it, 
and those who condoned their action because of the 
necessity still felt consequent fears. The rest of the 
populace entire, even if they possessed not the least 
kinship with those departing, were nevertheless 
grieved at their fate, some expecting that their neigh- 
bors, and others that their comrades would go far away 
from them and do and suffer many unusual things. 
Most of all they bewailed their own lot, seeing the mag- 
istrates and the senate and all the rest who had any 
power, — they were not sure whether a single one of 
them would be left behind, — cast out of their country 
and away from them. They reflected how those men, 
had not many altogether dreadful calamities fastened 
themselves upon the State, would never have wished to 
flee, and they likened themselves, made destitute of al- 
lies, in every conceivable respect to orphaned children 
and widow women. Being the first to await the wrath 
and the lust of the oncoming foe, they remembered 
their former sufferings, some by experience and others 
by hearing it from the victims, all the outrages that 
Marius and Sulla had committed, and they therefore 
did not look to Caesar for moderate treatment.^ On 

1 Small gaps occur in this sentence, filled by conjectures of Bekker 
and Reiske. 



(^ *-'ylg, the contrary, because his army was constituted very 
largely of barbarians, they expected that their misfor- 
tunes would be far more in number and more terrible 
than those of yore, 
— 9 — Since, then, all of them were in this condition, and no 
one except those who appeared to be good friends of 
CaBsar made light of the situation, and even they, ta 
consideration of the change of character to which most 
men are subject according to their circumstances, were 
not courageous enough to think that the source of their 
confidence was reliable, it is not easy to conceive how 
great confusion and how great grief prevailed at the 
departure of the consuls and those who set out with 
them. All night they made an uproar in packing up 
and going about, and toward dawn great sorrow fell 
upon them, induced by the action of the priests, who 
went about offering prayers on every side. They in- 
voked the gods, showered kisses on the floors, enumer- 
ated how many times and from what perils they had 
survived, and lamented that they were leaving their 
country, — a venture they had never made before. 
Near the gates, too, there was much wailing. Some 
took fond leave at once of each other and of the city 
as if they were beholding them for the last time : others 
bewailed their own lot and joined their prayers to those 
of the departing: the larger number, on the ground 
that they were being betrayed, uttered maledictions. 
The whole popidation, even those that stayed behind, 
were there with all the women and all the children. 
Then the one group set out on their way and the other 
group escorted them. Some interposed delays and 
were detained by their acquaintances : others embraced 



and clung to each other for a long time. Those that ^- c. 49 

° ° {a. u. 705) 

remained accompanied those setting out, calling after 
them and expressing their sympathy, while with invo- 
cations of Heaven they besought them to take them, 
too, or to remain at home themselves. Meanwhile there 
were shrill sounds of wailiag over each one of the ex- 
iles, even from outsiders, and insatiate floods of tears. 
Hope for the best they were scarcely at all inclined to 
entertain in their condition; it was rather suffering 
which was expected, first by those who were left and 
subsequently by those who were departing. Any one 
that saw them would have guessed that two peoples and 
two cities were being made from one and that one was 
being driven out and was fleeing, whereas the other was 
being left to its fate and was being captured. 

Pompey thus left the city drawing many of the sen- 
ators after htm ; some remained behind, either attached 
to Caesar's cause or maintaining a neutral attitude to- 
ward both. He hastily raised levies from the cities, 
collected money, and sent garrisons to almost every 
point. Caesar, when he learned this, did not hurry to — lo — 
Rome : it, he knew, was offered as a prize to the victors, 
and he said that he was not marching against that place 
as hostile to bini but against his political opponents in 
its behalf. And he sent a letter throughout all Italy in 
which he summoned Pompey to a kind of trial, encour- 
aged all to be of good cheer, bade them remain in their 
places, and made them many promises. He set out 
next against Corfinium, which, being occupied by Lu- 
cius Domitius, had not joined his adherents, and after 
conquering in battle a few who met him. he shut up the 
rest in a state of siege. Pompey, inasmuch as these citi- 



B. c. 49 2ens were being besieged and many of the others were 
falling off to Caesar, had no further hope of Italy but 
resolved to cross over into Macedonia, Greece, and 
Asia. He derived much encouragement from the re- 
membrance of what he had achieved there and from 
the friendship of the people and the princes. (Spain 
was likewise devoted to him, but he could not reach 
it safely because Caesar had possession of both the 
Gauls.) Moreover he calculated that if he should sail 
away, no one would pursue him on account of the lack 
of boats and on account of the winter, — the late 
autumn being far advanced, — and meanwhUe he would 
at leisure amass both money and troops, much of them 

_ii_ from subject and much from allied territory. With 
this design, therefore, he himself set out for Brun- 
dusium and bade Domitius abandon Corfinium and ac- 
company him. In spite of the large force that Do- 
mitius had and the hopes he reposed in it — for he had 
courted the favor of the soldiers in every way and had 
won some of them by promises of land (having be- 
longed to Sulla's veterans he had acquired a large 
amount in that reign) — he nevertheless obeyed orders. 
Meanwhile Pompey proceeded with his preparations to 
evacuate the country in safety : his associates learning 
this shrank from the journey abroad, because it seemed 
to them a flight, and attached themselves to Caesar. 
So these joined the invader's army: but Domitius and 
the other senators after being censured by Caesar for 
arraying themselves in opposition, were released and 
came to Pompey. 



Caesar now was anxious to join issue with him before ~]?~ 
he sailed. away, to fight it out with him in Italy, and to (a. u. 705) 
overtake him while he was still at Brundusium; for 
since there were not sufficient boats for them, Pompey 
had sent forward the consuls and others, fearing that 
they might begin some rebellion if they stayed on the 
spot. Caesar, seeing the difficulty of capturing the 
place, urged his opponent to accede to some agreement, 
assuring him that he should obtaia both peace and 
friendship agaia. When Pompey made no further re- 
sponse than that he would communicate to the consuls 
what Caesar said, the latter, iuasmuch as they had de- 
cided to receive no citizen in arms for a conference, 
assaulted the city. Pompey repelled him for some 
days untU the boats came back. Having meanwhile 
barricaded and obstructed with fortifications the roads 
leading to the harbor so that no one should attack him 
while sailing off, he then set sail by night. Thus ha 
crossed over to Macedonia in safety and Brundusium 
was captured as well as two boats full of men. 

Pompey accordingly deserted in this way his country _ 13 — 
and the rest of Italy, choosing and carrying out quite 
the opposite of his former course, when he sailed back 
to it from Asia; wherefore he obtained the reverse 
fortune and the reverse reputation. Formerly he broke 
up his legions at Brundusium, in order not to cause the 
citizens any solicitude, but now he was leading away 
through the town to fight against them other forces 
gathered from Italy. Whereas he had brought the 
wealth of the barbarians to Eome, he had now con- 



B. c. 49 veyed away from it all that lie possibly could to other 

(o. xtr, 705) 

places. And of all those at home he was in despair, 
but purposed to use against his country foreigners 
and the allies once enslaved by him, and he put far 
more hope in them both of safety and of power than 
in those who had been benefited. Instead of the bril- 
liance, therefore, which, acquired in those wars, had 
marked his arrival, he set out with humiliation as his 
I>ortion ia return for his fear of Caesar : and instead of 
fame which he had had for exalting his country, he be- 
came most infamous for his desertion of her. 
— 14 — At the very moment of coming to land at Dyrrachium 
he learned that he should not obtain a prosperous out- 
come. Thunderbolts destroyed soldiers even as the 
ships were approaching; spiders occupied the army 
standards ; and after he had left the vessel serpents fol- 
lowed and obliterated his footprints. These were the 
portents which he encountered in person, but before 
the whole capital others had occurred both that year 
and a short time previously. For there is no doubt 
about the fact that in seditions the state is injured by 
both parties. Hence many wolves and owls were seen 
in the City Itself and continual earthquakes with bel- 
lowings took place, fire shot down from the west to the 
east, and other fires burned both the temple of Qui- 
rinus and a second. The sun, too, suffered a total 
eclipse, and thunderbolts damaged a sceptre of Jupiter, 
a shield and a helmet of Mars that were votive offer- 
ings on the Capitol, and furthermore the tablets which 
contained the laws. Many animals brought forth crea- 



tures outside of their own species, certain oracles pur- , b. c. 49 

^ ' '^ {a. u. 705) 

porting to be those of the Sibyl were made kno-wn, and 
some men becoming inspired practiced numerous divi- 
nations. No praefectus urbi was chosen for the Feriae, 
as had been the custom, but the praetors, at least ac- 
cording to some accounts, performed all his duties; 
others say they did this only in the next year. If the 
former are right it happened twice ; and the first sea- 
son Perperna who had once been censor with Philippus 
died, being the last, as I stated, of all the senators who 
had been alive ia his censorship. This event, too, 
seemed likely to cause political confusion. The people 
were, then, naturally disturbed at the portents, but as 
both sides thought and hoped that they could lay them 
all on their opponents, they offered no expiatory 

Caesar at this time did not even attempt to saU to —15 — 
Macedonia, because he was short of boats and had fears 
for Italy, dreading that the lieutenants of Pompey from 
Spain might assail and occupy it. He put Brundusium 
under guard for the purpose that no one of those de- 
parted should sail back again, and went to Eome. 
There the senate had been assembled for him outside 
the pomerium by Antony and Longinus: they, who 
had been expelled from it, now convened that body. 
He accordingly made a speech of some length and of a 
temperate character, so that they might experience 
good-will toward him at the present and feel an excel- 
lent hope for the future. And since he saw them dis- 
pleased at what was going on and suspicious of the 



B. c. 49 multitude of soldiers, he wished to encourage and to 
conciliate them somewhat, to the end that quiet might 
prevail in their quarter while he was conducting the 
war. Therefore he censured no one and delivered no 
threat against any person, but made an attack not with- 
out imprecations upon those who wished to war against 
citizens, and at last moved that ambassadors be sent 
immediately in behalf of peace and harmony to the 

— 16— consuls and to Pompey. He made these same state- 
ments also to the populace, when that body had likewise 
assembled outside the pomerium, and he sent for com 
from the islands and promised each one of them sev- 
enty-five denarii. He hoped to tempt them with this 
bait. The men, however, reflected that those who are 
pursuing certain ends and those who have attained 
them do not think or act alike: at the start of their 
operations they make all the most delightful offers to 
such as can work against them in any way, but when 
they succeed in what they wish, they remember nothing 
at all about it and use against those very persons the 
power which they have received from them. They re- 
membered also the behavior of Marius and Sulla, — 
how many kind things they had often told them, and 
then what treatment they had given them in return for 
their confidence, — and furthermore perceiving Caesar's 
necessity and seeing that his armed followers were 
many and were everywhere in the city, they were un- 
able either to trust or to be cheered by his words. On 
the contrary, as they had fresh in their memory the 
fear caused by former events, they suspected him also, 
particularly because the ambassadors apparently in- 
tended to initiate a reconciliation were chosen, to be 



sure, but did not go out. Indeed, for even making , B- c. 49 

. (o. u. 705) 

mention of them once Piso, his father-in-law, was 
severely rebuked. The people, far from getting at that — 17 — 
time the money which he had promised them, had to 
give him all the rest that remained in the public coffers 
for the support of his soldiers, whom they feared. 
Amid all these happenings, as being favorable, they 
wore the garb of peace, which they had not as yet put 
off. Lucius Metellus, a tribune, opposed the proposi- 
tion about the money, and when his efforts proved inef- 
fectual went to the treasury and kept watch of its 
doors. The soldiers, paying little heed to either his 
guarding or his outspokenness, cut through the bar, — 
for the consuls had the key, as if it were not possible 
for persons to use axes in place of it, — and carried out 
all the money. In fact, Caesar's other projects also, 
as I have often stated, he both brought to vote and 
carried out in the same fashion, under the name of 
democracy,— the most of them being introduced by An- 
tony, — but with the substance of despotism. Both 
men named their political rivals enemies of their coun- 
try and declared that they themselves were fighting for 
the public interests, whereas each really ruined those 
interests and increased only his own private posses- 

After taking these steps Caesar occupied Sardinia — is — 
and Sicily without a battle, as the governors there at 
that time withdrew. Aristobulus he sent home to Pal- 
estine to accomplish something against Pompey. He 
also allowed the children of those proscribed by Sulla 
to canvass for office, and arranged everything else both 
in the city and in the rest of Italy to his own best 



B. c. 49 advantage, so far as circumstances permitted. Affairs 
at home he now committed to Antony's care and him- 
self set out for Spain which distinctly chose to follow 
Pompey and caused him some uneasiness lest his rival 
should induce the Gallic countries to revolt. Mean- 
time Cicero and other senators did not appear in Cae- 
sar's sight, but retired to join Pompey, who, they be- 
lieved, had more justice on his side and would conquer 
in the war. For the consuls before setting sail and 
Pompey using the authority of proconsul had ordered 
them all to accompany him to Thessalonica on the gen- 
eral ground that the capital was being held by certain 
enemies but that they themselves were the senate and 
would maintain the form of the government wherever 
they should be. For this reason most of the senators 
and the knights, some of them immediately and others 
later, and all the cities that were not subdued by 
Caesar's arms, embraced his cause. 

— 19— The Massilians, however, alone of the peoples who 
dwell in Gaul, refused to cooperate with Caesar, and 
would not receive him into their city, but made a note- 
worthy answer to him. They said they were allies of 
the Roman people and were favorably disposed toward 
both generals, and they could not go into details and 
were not competent to judge which of the two was in 
the wrong : consequently, in case of friendly overtures 
being made they would receive them both, they said, 
without their arms, but on a war basis neither of them. 
On being placed in a state of siege they repulsed Caesar 
himself and held out for a very long time against Tre- 
bonius and Decimus Brutus, who subsequently besieged 
them. Caesar contended stoutly for some time, think- 



ing to capture them easily, and regarding it as ridicu- b. c. 49 
lous that after vanquishing Rome without a battle he ' ' ' 
was not received by the Massilians; but later, when 
their resistance proved stubborn, he committed them 
to the care of others and himself hastened to Spain. 
He had sent thither already Gains Fabius, but fearing — 30 — 
he would fail while contending by himself, he too began 
a campaign. Afranius and Petreius at this time had 
charge of affairs in the viciaity of the Iber and had 
posted a guard over the pass ia the mountains, but 
chiefly they had gathered their forces in Ilerda, and 
there awaited the attackers. Fabius repulsed the hos- 
tile garrison at the Pyrenees but as he was crossing 
the river Sicoris they fell upon him suddenly and killed 
many of his men who were cut off. The bridge assisted 
them materially by breaking before all had crossed. 
When Caesar came up not much later, he crossed the 
river by another bridge and challenged them to battle; 
but they did not dare to try conclusions with him for a 
very considerable number of days, and remained 
quietly encamped opposite him. Encouraged from this 
cause he undertook to seize the ground, a strong posi- 
tion, between their rampart and the city, with the inten- 
tion of shutting them off from the walls. Afranius 
and his followers on perceiving this occupied it first, 
repulsed their assailants, and pursued them when they 
fled. Then when others came out against them from 
the fortress they first resisted, then yielded purposely, 
and so enticed the sallying party into positions which 
were favorable to themselves, where they slew many 
more of them. After this they took courage, attacked 
Caesar's foraging parties and harassed the scattered 
VOL. 2.— 18 273 


B. c. 49 members. And on one occasion when some soldiers 

(a. u. 70S) 

had crossed to the other side of the river and mean- 
time a great storm had come up and the bridge which 
they had used was destroyed, they crossed over also 
by the other bridge, which was near the city, and anni- 
hilated them all, as no one was able to come to their 
— 21 — Caesar, when this continued to happen, fell into des- 
perate straits : none of his allies rendered him assist- 
ance, for his opponents met and annihilated^ them as 
fast as they heard that each one was approaching, and 
it was with difficulty that he managed to obtaia provi- 
sions, inasmuch as he was in a hostile territory and 
unsuccessful in his operations. The Romans at home, 
when they ascertained it, renounced all hopes of him, 
and believiag that he would survive but a short time 
longer fell off to Pompey. Some few senators and 
others set out to joia the latter even so late as this. 
It happened just at this time that the Massilians were 
defeated in a naval battle by Brutus through the size 
of his ships and the strength of his marines, although 
they had Domitius as an ally and surpassed in their 
experience of naval affairs; they were subsequently 
shut in entirely. But for this nothing would have pre- 
vented Caesar's projects from being ruined. As it was, 
however, the victory by preconcerted arrangement was 
announced to the Spaniards with so many embellish- 
ments that it led some of them to change and follow 
the fortunes of Caesar. "When he had obtained these 

iVerb suggested by Xylander, Reiske, Bekker. 



as adherents, lie secured plenty of food, constructed ,^- ^' ** 
bridges, harassed his opponents, and once intercepted 
suddenly a number of them who were wandering about 
the country and destroyed, them. 

Afranius was disheartened at these results, and see- —22 — 
ing that affairs in Ilerda were not safe or satisfactory 
for a prolonged delay, he determined to retire to the 
Iber and to the cities there. He set out on this journey 
by night, intending to escape the enemy's notice or at 
least get the start of them. His departure proved no 
secret, yet he was not immediately pursued, for Caesar 
did not think it safe in the darkness to follow up with 
men who were strangers to the place an enemy that 
was well acquainted with the country. When, however, 
day dawned, he hastened forward and overtaking them 
in the middle of their journey he encompassed them 
suddenly on all sides from a distance; for he was much 
superior in numbers and found the bowl-shaped char- 
acter of the country a help. He did not wish to come 
into close quarters with the enemy, partly because he 
was afraid that they might become frenzied and accom- 
plish some desperate undertaking, and partly again 
because he hoped to win them over without conflict. 
This also took place. They tried to break through at 
many points, but were unable to do so anywhere : they 
were wearied from loss of sleep and from their march ; 
they had no food, since, expecting to finish their jour- 
ney the same day, they had brought none, and were 
not well supplied with water, for that region is notably 
waterless: for these reasons they surrendered them- 


— 24 — 


B. c. 49 selves, on condition that they should not be maltreated 

(O. U. 705) ' . -r. 

nor compelled to join his expedition against Pompey. 
— 23 — CaBsar kept each of his promises to them scrupulously. 
He kUled not a single man captured in this war in spite 
of the fact that his foes had once, during a kind of 
truce, destroyed some of his own men who were in an 
imguarded position; and he did not force them to fight 
against Pompey, but released the most eminent and 
employed the rest as voluntary allies induced by the 
prospect of gains and honors. By this act he grew 
very greatly both in reputation and prosperity, and 
attached to his cause all the cities in Spain and all th© 
soldiers who were in them (some of whom were in 
Baetica and others, quite a number, with Marcus Ter- 
entius Varro, the lieutenant). In taking charge of 
these and arranging their affairs he pursued his course 
as far as Gades, injuring no one except so far as a 
collection of money was concerned, — for of this he 
levied very large amounts. Many of the natives he 
honored both privately and publicly and to all the peo- 
ple of Gades he granted citizenship, in which the people 
of Rome later confirmed them. This kindness he did 
them in return for the vision of his dream at the time 
that he was quaestor there, wherein he seemed to have 
intercourse with his mother and had received the hope 
of sole rulership, as I have stated.^ After this act he 
assigned that nation to Cassius Longinus because the 
latter was accustomed to the inhabitants from his quacs- 
torship which he had served under Pompey. Caesar 

1 Compare Book Thirty-seven, chapter 52. 



himself proceeded by boat to Tarraco, Thence he , b. c. 49 

J (»• «• 705) 

advanced across the Pyrenees, but did not set up any 
trophy on their summits because he understood that 
not even Pompey was well spoken of for so doing; but 
he erected a great altar constructed of polished stones 
not far from his rival's trophies. 

While this was going on the Massilians, as ships had —25 — 
again been sent them by Pompey, faced danger afresh. 
They were defeated, to be sure, on this occasion also, 
but held their ground even though they learned that 
Caesar was already master of Spain. All attacks they 
vigorously repulsed and mad© a truce, pretendedly for 
the purpose of arranging terms with Caesar, when he 
should come. Then they sent out Domitius secretly 
and wrought such havoc among the soldiers who had 
attacked them in the midst of the truce and by night, 
that these ventured to make no further attempts. With 
Caesar, however, when he came himself, they mado 
terms: he at that time deprived them of their arms, 
ships and money, and later of everything else except 
the name of freedom. To counterbalance this misfor- 
tune Phocaea, their mother city, was made independent 
by Pompey. 

At Placentia some soldiers mutinied and refused to _ 26 — 
accompany Caesar longer, under the pretext that they 
were exhausted, but really because he did not allow 
them to plunder the country nor to do all the other 
things on which their minds were set ; they were hoping 
to obtain anything whatever of him, inasmuch as he 
stood in such tremendous need of them. Yet he did 



B. c 49 not yield, but, with a view to being safe from them and 

(o. u. 705) J J t o 

in order that after listening to his address and seeing 
the persons punished they should feel no wish in any 
way to transgress the established rules, he called to- 
gether both the mutinous body and the rest^ and spoke 
as follows : — 

— 27— " Fellow soldiers, I desire to have your love, and 

still I should not choose on that account to participate 
in your errors. I am fond of you and should wish, as 
a father might for his children, that you should be pre- 
served, be prosperous, and have a good repute. Do 
not think it is the duty of one who loves to assent to 
things which ought not to be done, and for which it is 
quite inevitable that dangers and ill-repute should fall 
to the lot of his beloved, but rather he must teach them 
the better way and keep them from the worse, both by 
advising and by disciplining them. You will recognize 
that I speak the truth if you do not estimate advantage 
with reference to the pleasure of the moment but in- 
stead with reference to what is continually beneficial, 
and if you will avoid thinking that gratifying your 
desires is more noble than restraining them. It is dis- 
graceful to take pleasure temporarily in something of 
which you must later repent, and it is outrageous after 
conquering the enemy to be vanquished by some pleas- 
ure or other. 

— 28 — "To what do the words I speak apply? To the fact 

that you have provisions in abundance, — I am going 
to speak right out with no disguise : you do get your 
pay in full and on time and you are always and every- 



where supplied with, plenty of food — that you endure , b. c. 49 

■f^ ^ •' •' {a. u. 705) 

no inglorious toil nor useless danger ; furthermore that 
you gather many great prizes for your bravery and are 
rebuked little or not at all for your errors, and yet you 
do not see fit to be satisfied with these things. I am 
speaking not of all of you, for you are not all such men, 
but only to those who for their own gain are casting 
reproach on the rest. Most of you obey my orders 
very scrupulously and satisfactorily, abide by your an- 
cestral customs, and in that way have acquired so much 
land and wealth and glory; some few, however, are 
attaching much disgrace and disrespect to all of us. 
Though I understood clearly before this that they were 
that sort of persons, — for there is none of your inter- 
ests that I fail to notice, — still I pretended not to know 
it, thinking that they might become better if they be- 
lieved they were not observed in some of their evil 
deeds and had the fear that if they ever presumed too 
far they might be punished for the guilt of which they 
were conscious. Since they, however, proceeding on 
the ground that they may do whatever they wish be- 
cause they were not brought to book at the very start, 
are overbold and are trying to make the rest of you, 
who are guilty of no irregularity, likewise mutinous, 
it becomes necessary for me to devote some care to 
them and to give them my attention. In general, no —zg — 
society of men can preserve its unity and continue to 
exist, if the criminal element be not disciplined : if tho 
part afflicted does not receive proper medicine, it 
causes all the rest, as in fleshly bodies, to be sick at the 



B. c. 49 same time. And least of all in armies can discipline 

(a. u. 705) 

be relaxed, because wlien the wrongdoers have strength, 
they become more daring and corrupt the excellent also 
by causing them to grow dejected and to believe that 
they will obtain no benefit from right behavior. Wher- 
ever the insolent element has the advantage, there in- 
evitably the decent element has the worst of it: and 
wherever injustice is unpunished, there uprightness 
also goes without reward. What is there you could 
assert is doing right, if these men are doing no wrong? 
How could you logically desire to be honored, if these 
men do not endure their just punishment? Are you 
ignorant of the fact that if one class is freed from the 
fear of retribution and the other is deprived of the 
hope of prizes, no good is brought about, but only num- 
berless ills? Hence if you really practice valor and 
excellence, you should detest these men as enemies. 
What is friendly is not distinguished from what is 
hostile by any characteristic of birth, but is determined 
by habits and actions, which if they are good can make 
the alien intimate, but if they are bad can alienate 
— 30— everything, even kindred. And you should speak in 
your own defence, because by the behavior of these 
few we must all inevitably fall into disrepute, even if 
we have done no wrong. Every one who is acquainted 
with our numbers and progress refers the errors of the 
few to us all ; and thus though we do not share in their 
gains, we bear an equal share of their reproach. Who 
would not be indignant at hearing that we had the 
name of Romans, but did deeds of the Celtse? Who 
would not lament the sight of Italy ravaged like Brit- 
ain? Is it not outrageous for us to cease injuring the 



possessions of tlie Gauls, because they are subdued, ^- C- 49 
and then to devastate the property of dwellers south 
of the Alps, as if they were some Epirots, or Cartha- 
ginians, or Cimbi? Is it not disgraceful for us to 
give ourselves airs and say that we were the first of the 
Eomans to cross the Rhine and to sail the ocean, and 
then to plunder our native land which is safe from 
harm at the hands of foes and to receive blame instead 
of praise, dishonor in place of honor, loss instead of 
gain, punishment instead of prizes ? Do not think that — 31 — 
because you are in the army, that makes you stronger 
than the citizens at home. You are both Romans^ and 
they like you both have been and will be soldiers. Nor 
yet again that because you have arms, it is permitted 
you to injure. The laws have more authority than you, 
and some day you wiU without fail lay down these 
weapons. Do not, agaiu, rely on your numbers. Those 
capable of being wronged are, if they unite, more than 
you. And they will unite, if you do wrong. Do not, 
because you have conquered the barbarians, despise 
these citizens also, from whom you differ not the slight- 
est either in birth or in education, in the matter of food 
or in customs. Instead, as is proper and advantageous 
for you, use no violence and wrong no one of them, but 
receive provisions from their willingness to provide, 
and accept rewards from their willing hands. In addi- — 33 _ 
tion to what I have just said and other considerations 
that one might cite who should enter upon a long dis- 
cussion of such questions, you must also take account 
of the following fact, — that we have come here now 
to assist our country under oppression and to ward off 
those that are harming her. If she were in no danger, 



B. c. 49 -^Q should neither have come into Italy with arms, — 

{a. u. 705) 

since it is unlawful, — nor should we have left unfin- 
ished the business of the Celts and Britons, when we 
might have subjugated those regions too. Then is it 
not remarkable if we who are here for vengeance upon 
the evildoers should show ourselves no less greedy of 
gain than they? Is it not inconceivable that when we 
have arrived to aid our country we should force her 
to require other allies against us? And yet I think 
my claims so much better warranted than Pompey's 
that I have often challenged him to a trial; and since 
he by reason of his guilty conscience has refused to 
have the questions peaceably decided, I hope by this act 
of his to attach to my cause all the allies and the entire 
people. But now, if we also shall take up a course 
similar to his, I shall not have any decent excuse to 
offer nor be able to charge my opponents with any un- 
becoming conduct. You must also look ahead very 
carefully to the justice of your cause. If you have 
this, the strength that arms afford is full of hope, but 
without it nothing remains sure, though for the moment 
a man may be successful. 
— 33— " That nature has ordained this most of you under- 
stand, and you fulfill all your duties without urging. 
That is why I have convened you, — to make you both 
witnesses and spectators of my words and acts. But you 
are not of such a character as some men I have been 
mentioning and therefore it is that you receive praise. 
Only some few of you observe how, in addition to work- 
ing many injuries and paying no penalty at all for 
them hitherto, these malcontents are also threatening 
us. However, as a general principle, I do not think 



it •well for any ruler to be subdued by bis subjects, nor , ^- c. 49 

•^ •' ' {a. u. 705) 

do I believe tbat any safety could possibly result, if the 
class appointed to assist a person should attempt to 
overcome him. Consider what sort of order could 
exist in a house where those in the prime of youth 
should despise their elders, or what order in schools, 
if the students should pay no heed to their instructors? 
What health would there be for the sick, if those indis- 
posed should not obey their physicians in all points, 
or what safety for the navigators if the sailors should 
turn a deaf ear to their pilots? It is by a natural law 
both necessary and salutary that the principle of ruling 
and again that of being ruled have been placed among 
men, and without them it is impossible for anything to 
continue to exist for ever so short a time. Now it 
belongs to him who is stationed over another both to 
think out and to command the requisite course, and to 
bim who is made subservient to obey without question- 
ing and to put the order into action. By this the sen- 
sible element is distinguished from the senseless and 
the understanding element from the ignorant in all 

' ' Since these things are so I would never imder com- — 34 — 
pulsion assent to these brawlers nor give them my per- 
mission perforce. Why am I sprung from uEneas and 
lulus, why have I been praetor, why consul, for what 
end have I led some of you out from home and gathered 
others later, for what end have I received and held the 
authority of a proconsul now for so long a time, if I 
am to be a slave to any one of you and conquered by 
any one of you here in Italy and near to Eome, — I, to 
whom you owe your subjection of the Gauls and your 



B. c. 49 conquest of Britain? Wliat should I fear or dread? 

(a. u. 705) ^ 

That some one of you will kill me ? Nay, but if you all 
had this mind, I would voluntarily choose to die 
rather than to give up the dignity of my position as 
leader or to abandon the attitude of mind befitting the 
head of an enterprise. For a far greater danger than 
the unjust death of one man confronts the city, if the 
soldiers shall become accustomed to issue orders to 
their generals and to take the justice of the law into 
— 35— their own hands. No one of them, however, has so 
much as made this threat: if he had, I am sure he 
would have been slain forthwith by the rest of you. 
But they are withdrawing from the campaign on the 
pretence of being wearied and are laying down their 
arms because (thejr say) they are worn out, and cer- 
tainly if they do not obtain my consent to this wish of 
theirs, they will leave their ranks and go over to Pom- 
pey : some of them make this perfectly evident. Who 
would not be glad to be deprived of such men, and who 
would not pray that such soldiers might belong to his 
rival, seeing that they are not content with what is 
given and are not obedient to orders, but that simulat- 
ing old age in the midst of youth and in strength simu- 
lating weakness they claim the right to lord it over 
their rulers and to tyrannize over their leaders ? I had 
ten thousand times rather be reconciled with Pompey 
on any terms whatever or suffer any other conceivable 
fate than do anything unworthy of my native thought 
or of my own deliberate policy. Are you unaware that 
it is not sovereignty or gain that I desire and that I am 
not bent upon accomplishing anything absolutely, and 
at any cost, so that I would lie and flatter and fawn 



upon people to tMs end? "Will you give up, then, for b, c. 49 

(£8. Urn 7v&} 

tnese reasons the campaign, what can I call you? 
Yet still it shall be not as you yourselves desire and 
say, but as is profitable for the commonwealth and for 

After this speech he distributed lots among them for 
the infliction of the death penalty, and the most auda- 
cious, — for these, as was previously arranged, drew 
the lots, — he condemned, and the rest he dismissed, 
saying he had no further need of them. And they 
repented of what they had done and were ready to 
renew the campaign. 

While he was still on the way Marcus jEmilius Lepi- — 36 — 
dus, the man who later became a member of the trium- 
virate, in his capacity of praetor took counsel with the 
people to elect Caesar dictator and immediately moved 
his nomination, contrary to ancestral custom. The 
latter accepted the office as soon as he entered the city, 
but committed no act of terror while in it. On the con- 
trary he granted a return to all the exiles except Milo, 
and filled the offices for the ensuing year : at that time 
they had chosen no one temporarily in place of the 
absentees, and whereas there was no aedile in town, the 
tribunes exercised all the functions pertaining to the 
aedileship : moreover he set up priests in the places of 
those who were lost (though not observing all the de- 
tailed ceremonies that were customary for them at such 
a juncture), and to the Gauls who live this side of the 
Alps and beyond the Po he gave citizenship because he 
had once governed them. After effecting this he re- 
signed the name of dictator, for he had quite all the 
power and functions of the position constantly in his 



B. c. 49 grasp. He employed the strength, that is afforded by 
arms, and also got in addition a quasi-legal authority 
from the senate that was on the spot ; for he was per- 
mitted to do with impunity whatever he might wish, 

— 37— Having obtained this he at once set aright an affair 
of great moment and necessity. The money lenders 
had exacted money quite relentlessly from some, who 
needed large fimds on account of the political disputes 
and the wars. Many of the debtors by reason of the 
same events were not able, even if they wished it, to 
pay back anything; for they did not find it easy to sell 
anything or to borrow more. Hence the mutual dealings 
of the two classes were ofttimes marked by deceit and 
ofttimes by treachery, so that there was fear of the 
matter progressing till it became an incurable evil. 
Certain modifications in regard to interest had been 
made even before this by some of the tribunes, but 
since even so payment was not secured, but the one 
class kept forfeiting its securities and the other de- 
manding the principal in money, Caesar now came to 
the aid of both so far as he could. He ordered that 
securities should have a fixed valuation according to 
their worth, and to decide that point he assigned arbi- 
ters to be allotted to persons disputing any point. 

_ 38 — Since also many were said to possess large properties 
but to be concealing all their wealth, he forbade any one 
to have more than fifteen thousand denarii in silver 
or gold : this law, he alleged, he did not enact himself, 
but he was simply enforcing a measure some time pre- 
viously introduced. His object was either that those 
who owed should make good some of their debt to the 
lenders and the rest lend to such as needed, or else that 



the well-to-do might be clearly apparent and no one of ^- ^-Al^ 
them keep his property all together, for fear some 
political change might take place in his absence. When 
the populace, elated at this, asked that in addition to 
it rewards be offered to servants for information 
against their masters, he refused to add such a clause 
to the law and furthermore called down dire destruc- 
tion upon himself if he should ever trust a slave speak- 
ing against his master. 

Caesar after doing this and removing all the Capito- — 39 — 
line offerings and others hastened to Brundusium to- 
ward the close of the year and before entering upon 
the consulship to which he had been elected. An.d as 
he was attending to the details of his departure a kite 
in the Forum let fall a sprig of laurel upon one of his 
companions. Later, while he was sacrificing to For- 
tuna, the bull escaped before being wounded, rushed 
out of the city, and coming to a kind of pond swam 
across it. As a consequence he continued his prepara- 
tions with greater courage and especially because the 
soothsayers declared that destruction should be his if 
he remained at home, but if he crossed the sea salva- 
tion and victory. When he had gone, the boys in the 
city spontaneously divided into two classes, one side 
calling itself Pompeiians and the other Csesarians, and 
they fought one another after a fashion without arms, 
and those conquered who used Caesar's name. 

While such was the progress of events in Rome and —40 — 
in Spain, Marcus Octavius and Lucius Scribonius Libo 
by using Pompey's fleet expelled from Dalmatia Pub- 
lius Cornelius Dolabella, who was there attending to 
Caesar's interests. After this they shut up Gains An- 


■41 — 


.^' ^\tl. tonius, who was desirous of aiding Mm, in a little islet 

(o. u. 705) ' ° ' 

and there, abandoned by the natives and oppressed by 
hunger, they captured him with all his force save a 
few; some of them had escaped in season to the main- 
land, and others who were sailing across on rafts and 
were caught made away with themselves. Curio had 
meanwhile reduced Sicily without a battle; for Cato, 
fthe governor of it, being no match for him and not 
wishing idly to expose the cities to danger, withdrew 
beforehand to Pompey; afterward, however, the con- 
queror passed over to Africa and perished. At his ap- 
proach by sea Lucius Caesar abandoned the city of As- 
pis in which he merely happened to be staying, and 
Publius Attius Varus, then in charge of the affairs of 
that region, was defeated by him and lost many soldiers 
and a few cities. Juba, however, son of Hiempsus and 
king over the Numidians, esteemed the interests of 
Pompey as those of the people and the senate, and 
hated Curio both for this reason and because the latter 
when tribune had attempted to take away his kingdom 
from him and confiscate the land: therefore he vigor- 
ously prosecuted the war against him. He did not wait 
for him to invade his home country of Numidia but as- 
sailed him with something less than his entire force at 
the siege of Utica, for fear that the Eoman, being pre- 
viously informed, might retire; and he was rather 
more anxious to take vengeance on him than to re- 
pulse him. Accordingly, Juba sent forward a few men 
who reported that the king had departed in some other 
direction and to a distance : he himself followed after 



these aad did not miss the results he had hoped for. , ^- ^•_ ^?. 

•*■ (O. It. 705) 

Before this Curio with the idea that his enemy was —48 — 
approaching had transferred his men to the camp near 
the sea and had framed an intention, in case he were 
hard pushed, of embarking on the ships and leaving 
Africa altogether. But when he ascertained that only 
a few men were arriving and these without Juha^ he 
took courage and started out that very night as if to 
a victory waiting for him, and fearing only that they 
should escape him. In his advance he destroyed some 
of the van who were sleeping on the road and became 
much emboldened. Next, about dawn^ he encountered 
the rest who had started out ahead from the camp; and 
without any delay, in spite of the fact that his soldiers 
were exhausted both by the march and by loss of sleep, 
he at once joined battle with them. At this juncture, 
while matters were at a standstill and they were fight- 
ing rather evenly, Juba suddenly appeared upon the 
scene and by his unexpected coming as well as by his 
numbers overwhelmed him. Curio and most of the 
others he killed on the spot by means of this surprise, 
and the rest he pursued as far as the ditch, after which 
he confined them to their ships and in the midst of the 
confusion got possession of large amoimts of money 
and destroyed many men. Numbers of them perished 
when they seemed to have escaped, some being knocked 
down in the melee while boarding the boats, and others 
drowned while in the ships themselves by the overload- 
ing of the vessels. During these occurrences some be- 
ing afraid they might suffer the same fate went over to 
VOL. 2.— 19 289 


(r* if' 7051 ^^^^^ expecting that their lives would be spared, but 
received no benefit from it. For Juba asserted that it 
was he who had conquered them and so slaughtered 
them all except a few. Thus. Curio died after render- 
ing most valuable assistance to Caesar upon whom he 
had founded many hopes. Juba found honors at the 
hands of Pompey and the senators who were in Mace- 
donia and was saluted as king: but on the part of 
Caesar and those in the city he was censured and de- 
clared an enemy, while Bocchus and Bogud were 
named kings because they were hostile to him. 
— 43 — The ensuing year the Eomans had two sets of magis- 

[(«.«. 706) trates, contrary to custom, and a mighty conflict was 
engendered. The people of the city had chosen as con- 
suls Caesar and Publius Servilius, together with prae- 
tors, and everything else according to law : the party in 
Thessalonica had made no such preparations although 
they had by some accounts about two hundred of the 
senate and the consuls and had appropriated a small 
piece of land for divinations to the end that their pro- 
ceedings might seem to take place under a certain form 
of law. Wherefore they regarded the people and the 
entire city as present there (the reason being that the 
consuls had not introduced the lex curiata), and they 
employed those same officials as formerly, only chang- 
ing their names and calling some proconsuls, others 
propraetors, and others pro-quaestors. For they were 
very careful about ancestral customs even though they 
had raised their arms against their country and aban- 
doned their native shores, and were anxious to per- 



form all necessary acts not merely with a view to s- c. 48 

, (»• «• 706) 

temporary demands or contrary to the exact wording 
of the ordinances. It is quite true that nominally these 
officials ruled the two parties, but in reality it was Pom- 
pey and Caesar who were supreme, bearing, for the 
sake of good repute, the legal titles, — one that of con- 
sul and the other that of proconsul,— and doing not 
what the magistrates allowed but whatever they them- 
selves pleased. 

Under these conditions, with the government divided —44 — 
in twain, Pompey wintered in Thessalonica and did 
not keep a very careful guard of the coast. He did 
not think that Caesar had yet arrived in Italy from 
Spain, and even if he were there he did not suspect that 
his rival, in winter, at least, would venture to cross the 
Ionian sea. Caesar was in Brundusium, waiting for 
spring, but when he ascertained that Pompey was 
some distance off and that Epirus just opposite was 
rather heedlessly guarded, he seized the opportunity 
of the war to attack him while in a state of relaxation. 
When the winter was about half gone he set out with a 
portion of his army, — there were not enough ships to 
carry them all across at once, — escaped the attention 
of Marcus Bibulus to whom the guarding of the sea 
had been committed, and crossed to the so-called Ce- 
raunian Headlands, a point in the confines of Epirus, 
near the opening of the Ionian gulf. Having reached 
there before it became noised abroad that he would 
sail at all, he despatched the ships to Brundusium for 
the rest : but Bibulus damaged them on the return voy- 



-^•*^\15v asce and actually took some in tow, so tliat CaBsar 

(a. M. 706) o J 

learned by experience that lie liad enjoyed a more for- 
tunate tlian prudent voyage. 
— 45 — During this delay, therefore, he acquired Oricum and 
ApoUonia and other points there which had been aban- 
doned by Pompey's garrisons. This " Corinthian Ap- 
oUonia " is well situated as regards the land and as 
regards the sea, and excellently in respect to rivers. 
[What I have remarked, however, above all else is that 
a huge fire issues from the ground near the Aous river 
and neither spreads to any extent over the surrounding 
land nor sets on fire that very place where it is located 
nor even makes the groimd dry and brittle, but leaves 
the grass and trees flourishing very near it. In pour- 
ing rains it increases and rises high. For this reason 
it is called Nymphseum^ and affords a kind of oracle. 
You take a grain of incense and after making what- 
ever prayer you wish throw it carrying the prayer. 
At this the fire, if your wish is to be fulfilled, receives 
it very readily and in case the grain falls somewhere 
outside, darts forward, snatches it up and consumes 
it. But if the wish is not to be fulfilled, the fire does 
not go to it, and if it is carried into the flame, the latter 
recedes and flees before it. These two actions it per- 
forms in this way in all matters save those of death 
and marriage: about these two it is not granted any 
one to learn anything whatever from it. 

—46— Such is the nature of this marvel. Now as Antony, 
to whom had been assigned the duty of conveying those 

1 1, e., " Temple " or " Place of the Nymphs." 


that remained at Bmndusium, proved slow, and no ,^'^'^IL 
message came about them on account of the winter and 
of Bibulus, Caesar suspected that they had adopted a 
neutral attitude and were watching the course of 
events, as often happens in political disputes. Wish- 
ing, therefore, to sail himself to Italy, and alone, he 
embarked on a small boat as some one else, saying that 
he had been sent by Caesar ; and he forced the captain, 
although there was a wind, to set sail. When, however, 
they were away from land, the gale came sweepiag 
violently down upon them and the billows rocked them 
terribly, so that the captain not even under compulsion 
dared any longer sail on, but undertook to return even 
without his passenger's consent. Then the latter re- 
vealed himself, as if by this act he should stop the 
storm, and said, "Be of good cheer: you carry 
Caesar." Such a disposition and such a hope he had, 
either accidentally or as the result of some oracle, that 
he felt a secure trust in safety even contrary to the ap- 
pearance of things. Nevertheless, he did not get across, 
but after struggling for a long time in vain sailed 

After this he encamped opposite Pompey, near Ap- — 47 — 
sus. The latter as soon as he had heard of his rival's 
advent had made no delay, but hoping to quell him 
easily before he secured the presence of the rest who 
were with Antony, he marched in haste and in some 
force toward ApoUonia. Caesar advanced to meet him 
as far as the river, thinking that even as he was he 
would prove a match for the troops then approaching : 



/ ^" ^'J^. but when he learned that he was actually far inferior 

{a. u. 706) •' 

in numbers, he halted. In order that this action should 
not seem due to fear, and he not be thought to be open- 
ing the war, he submitted some conciliatory proposals 
to the opposing body and continued his abode in that 
place. Pompey, knowing this, wished to try conclusions 
with him as soon as possible and for this reason under- 
took to cross the river. But the bridge on receiving 
the weight broke down and some of the advance guard, 
being isolated, perished. Then he desisted in dejec- 
tion that he had failed in his first recourse to hostile 
action. Meanwhile Antony had arrived, and Pompey 

— 48— in fear retired to Dyrrachium. While Bibulus lived, 

Caesar's lieutenant had not dared even to set out from 
Brundusium, so dose was the guard kept over it. But 
when that officer, worn out by hard work, had died and 
Libo succeeded him as admiral, Antony despised him 
and set sail with the evident intention of forcing the 
passage. Driven back to land he repelled the other's 
vigorous attack upon him and later, when Libo was 
anxious to disembark somewhere, he allowed him to 
find anchorage nowhere near that part of the mainland. 
The admiral being in need of anchorage and water, 
since the little island in front of the harbor, which was 
the only place he could approach, is destitute of water 
and harbor alike, sailed off to some distant point where 
he was likely to find both in abundance. In this way 
Antony was enabled to set sail, and later when the foe 
attempted to assail them on the high seas he suffered 
no damage at his hands : a violent storm came up which 
prevented the attack, but caused injuries to both sides. 

— 49 — When the soldiers had come safely across, Pompey, 



as I have said, retired to DyrracMum, and Caesar fol- ,^- ^-H, 

' •' ' . (a. «. 706) 

lowed Mm, encouraged by the fact that he had survived 
his previous experiences with the number of followers 
he now had. Dyrrachium is situated in the land for- 
merly belonging to the tribe of Illyrians calledParthini, 
but now and even at that time regarded as a part of 
Macedonia ; and it is very favorably placed, whether it 
be the Epidamnus of the Corcyraeans or some other. 
Those who record this fact also refer its founding and 
its name to a hero Dyrrachus. The other authorities 
have declared that the place was renamed by the Eo- 
mans with reference to the difficulties of the rocky 
shore, because the term Epidamnus has in the Latin 
tongue the meaning " loss," and so seemed to be very 
ill-omened for their crossing over to it. 

Pompey after taking refuge in this Dyrrachium built 
a camp outside the city and surrounded it with deep — so — 
ditches and stout palisades. Caesar encamped over 
against it and made assaults, in the hope of shortly 
capturing the palisades by the number of his soldiers : 
when, however, he was repulsed, he attempted to wall 
it off. While he was at that work, Pompey fortified 
some points by stakes, cut off others by a wall, and 
fortified still others with a ditch, establishing towers* 
and guards on the high places, so as to render the cir- 
cuit of the encompassing wall necessarily infinite and to 
render an approach impossible to the foe, even if they 
conquered. There were meanwhile many battles be- 
tween them, but brief ones, in which now one party, 
now the other, was victorious or beaten, so that a few 
were killed on both sides alike. Upon Dyrrachium 
itself Caesar made an attempt by night, between the 



B. c. 48 marslies and the sea. in the expectation that it would 

(o. u. 706) 

be betrayed by its defenders,, He passed inside the 
narrows, but at that point was attacked by many in 
front and many behind, who were conveyed along the 
shore in boats and suddenly fell upon him ; thus he lost 
numerous men and very nearly perished himself. Af- 
ter this occurrence Pompey took courage and concerted 
a plan for a night assault upon the circumvallation ; 
as he was unexpected he captured a portion of it by 
storm and caused a great slaughter among the men en- 
camped near it. 
— 51— Caesar in view of this event and because the grain 
had failed him, — the entire sea and land in the vicinity 
being hostile, — and because for this reason some had 
deserted, feared that he might either be overcome while 
watching his adversary or be abandoned by his other 
followers. Therefore he leveled all the works that had 
been constructed, destroyed also all the parallel walls, 
and thereupon made a sudden start and set out for 
Thessaly. During this same time that Dyrrachium was 
being besieged Lucius Cassius Longinus and Gnseus 
Domitius Calvinus had been sent by him into Maccr 
donia and into Thessaly. Longinus was disastrously 
defeated by Scipio and by Sadalus, a Thracian; Cal- 
vinus was repulsed from Macedonia by Faustus, but on 
receiving accessions from the Locrians and ^tolians 
he invaded Thessaly with these troops, and after being 
ambushed and then again laying counter-ambuscades 
conquered Scipio in battle, and by that act gained a 
few cities. Thither, accordingly, Caesar hastened, 



thinking that by combining with these ofiBeers he could ^- ^-J^. 
more easily get an abundance of food and continue the 
prosecution of the war. When no one would receive 
him, because he had had bad luck, he reluctantly held 
aloof from the larger settlements, but assaulted Grom- 
phi, a little city of Thessaly, took it, killed many and 
plundered all its inhabitants in order that by this act 
he might inspire the rest with terror. Metropolis, at 
any rate, another town, would have no conflict with 
him but forthwith capitulated without a struggle : and 
as he did no harm to its citizens he more easily won 
over some other places by his display of equal readi- 
ness in opposite contingencies. 

So he became strong again. Pompey did not insti- _ 52 — 
tute an immediate pursuit, for his antagonist had with- 
drawn suddenly by night and had hastily crossed the 
Genusus river: however, he was strongly inclined to 
think that he had subdued him completely. Conse- 
quently he assmned the name of imperator, though he 
made no boast of it and did not even wind laurel about 
his fasces, disHking to show such exultation over the 
downfall of citizens. Consistently with this same at- 
titude he neither saUed to Italy himself nor sent any 
others there, though he might easily have reduced the 
whole peniasula. As regards a fleet he was absolute 
master, for he had five hundred swift ships and could 
touch at many points at once: and the sentiment of 
that country was not opposed to him, nor, if it had been 
ever so hostUe, could the people have been a match for 
him in war. But he wished to remain at a distance, so 



B. c. 48 as to get the reputation of fiffhtinff for his land, and did 

{a. «. 706) ox- o o 7 

not see fit to cause any fear to the persons who were 
then in Eome. Hence he made no attempt on Italy, not 
even sending to the government any despatch about his 
successes. But after this he set out against Caesar and 
came to Thessaly. 

— 53— As they lay opposite each other the appearance of 

the camps bore, indeed, some resemblance of war^ but 
the use of arms was suspended as in time of peace. As 
they reviewed the greatness of the danger and foresaw 
the obscurity and uncertainty of the issue, and still 
stood in some awe of their common ancestry and kin- 
ship, they were led to delay. Meanwhile they ex- 
changed propositions about friendship and appeared 
to some likely to become reconciled without accomplish- 
ing anything. This was due to the fact that they were 
both reaching out for supreme dominion and were in- 
fluenced by a great deal of native ambition and a great 
deal of acquired rivalry, — for men can least endure to 
be outdone by their equals and intimates; they were 
not willing to make any concessions to each other, 
since each felt that he might win, nor could they feel 
any confidence, if they did come to terms, that they 
would not be always yearning for the advantage and 

— 54— fall into strife again over complete control. In temper 

they differed from each other to this extent, — that 
Pompey desired to be second to no man and Caesar to 
be first of all, and the former was anxious to be honored 
by willing subjects and to preside over and be loved 
by a people fully consenting, whereas the latter cared 



not at all if he ruled over an unwilling nation and is- b. c. 48 

° {a. u. 706) 

sued orders to men that hated hinij and bestowed the 
honors with his own hand upon himself. The deeds, 
however, through which they hoped to accomplish all 
that they wished, were perforce common to both alike. 
For it was impossible that either one of them should 
succeed without fighting against his countrymen, lead- 
ing foreigners agaiast kindred, obtaining much money 
by unjust pillage, and killing unlawfully many of his 
dearest associates. Hence, even though they differed 
in their desires, yet in their acts, by which they hoped 
to fulfill those desires, they were alike. Consequently 
they would not yield to each other on any point, in 
spite of the many just grounds that they alleged, and 
finally came into collision. 

The struggle proved a mighty one, and resembled no — 55 — 
other conflict. The leaders believed themselves to be 
the most skilled in all matters of warfare and clearly 
the most distinguished not only of the Romans but also 
of the remainder of mankind then in existence. They 
had practiced those pursuits from boyhood, had con- 
stantly been connected with them, had exhibited deeds 
worthy of note, had been conspicuous for great valor 
and great good fortune, and were therefore most 
worthy of commanding and most worthy of vic- 
tory. As to forces, Caesar had the largest and 
the most genuuiely Eoman portion of the citizen- 
army and the most warlike men from the rest of Italy, 
from Spain, and the whole of Gaul and the islands that 
he had conquered : Pompey had attracted many from 



B. c. 48 the senatorial and tlie equestrian order and from the 

(o. M. 706) ^ 

regular enrollment and had gathered a vast number 
from subject and pacified peoples and kings. Aside 
from Pharnaces and Orodes, — the latter, indeed^ al- 
though an enemy because of his having killed the 
Crassi, he tried to win over, — all the rest who had 
ever had even the smallest dealings with Pompey gave 
him money and either sent or led auxiliaries. The 
Parthian king promised to be his ally if he should take 
Syria : but as he did not get it, the prince did not help 
him. While Pompey decidedly excelled in numbers, 
Caesar's followers were equal to them in strength, and 
so, the advantage being even, they just balanced each 
other and were equally prepared for danger. 

_5e_ In these circumstances and by the very cause and 
purpose of the war a most notable struggle took place. 
The city of Eome and the entire dominion over it, even 
then great and mighty, lay before them as a prize : it 
was clear to all that it would become the slave of him 
who conquered. When they reflected on this fact and 
furthermore recalled their former deeds,— Pompey, 
Africa and Sertorius and Mithridates and Tigranes 
and the sea : Caesar, Gaul and Spain and the Ehine and 
Britain, — they were excited to frenzy, thinking that 
they were facing danger for those conquests too, and 
each was eager to acquire the other's glory. For the 
renown of the vanquished no less than his other pos- 
sessions becomes the property of the victors. The 
greater and more powerful the antagonist that a man 

— 57 — overthrows, to the greater heights is he raised. There- 



fore they delivered to the soldiers also many exhorta- ,^- *^„t!, 

"^ •' {a. u. 706) 

tions, but very much, alike on both sides, saying all that 
is fitting to be mentioned on such occasions with refer- 
ence both to the immediate nature of the danger and 
to its future results. As they both came from the same 
state and were talking to the same subjects and calling 
each other tyrants and themselves liberators from 
tyranny, they had nothing of different kinds to say, 
but stated that it would be the lot of the one party to 
die, of the other to be preserved, of the one party to be 
captives, of the other to enjoy the master's lot, to pos- 
sess everything or to be deprived of everything, to suf- 
fer or to inflict a most terrible fate. After giving some 
such exhortations to the citizens and furthermore lead- 
ing the subject and allied contingents into hopes for 
the better and fears for the worse, they hurled at each 
other kinsmen, sharers of the same tent, those who had 
eaten together, those who had drunk together. Why 
should any one then lament the fate of others involved, 
when those very men, who were all these things to each 
other, and had shared many secret words, many similar 
exploits, who had once been concerned in a marriage 
and loved the same child, one as a father, the other as 
grandfather, nevertheless fought? All the ties that 
nature by mingling their blood had created, they now, 
directed by insatiate lust of power, hastened to break, 
tear, and cleave asunder. Because of them Eome was 
forced to encounter danger for herself against herself, 
and though victor to be worsted. 
Such was the struggle in which they joined. They —68— 



B. c. 48 did not, however, immediately come to close quarters. 

(a. «. 706) J > J -a 

Sprung from the same country and from the same 
hearth, with almost identical weapons and similar for- 
mation, each side shrank from beginaiiig the battle, 
shrank from slaying any one. There was great silence, 
then, and dejection on the part of both; no one went 
forward nor moved at aU : but with heads bowed they 
stood motionless, as if devoid of life. Caesar and Pom- 
pey, therefore, fearing that if they remaiaed quiet any 
longer their animosity might be dulled or they might 
even become reconciled, hurriedly commanded the 
trumpeters to blow the signal and the men to raise the 
war cry in unison. Both orders were obeyed, but the 
contestants were so far from being imbued with cour- 
age, that at the similar sound of the trumpeter's call 
and at their own outcry in the same language, they felt 
their affinity and were impressed with their kinship, 
— 69 — and so fell into tears and wailing. At length the allied 
troops began the battle, and the rest joined in combat, 
fairly beside themselves at what they were doing. 
Those whose part in the conflict was a distant one were 
less sensible of the horror; they threw, shot, hurled 
javelins, discharged slings, without knowing whom they 
hit : but the heavy-armed and the cavalry had a fearful 
experience, as they were close to each other and could 
even speak a little back and forth ; at the same moment 
they would recognize their vis-a-vis and would wound 
him, would call to him and slaughter him, would re- 
member their country and despoil the slain. These 
were the actions and the sufferings of the Romans and 



the rest from Italy who were joined with them in the ^- c. 4S 

(a. u. 706) 

campaign, wherever they happened upon each other. 
Many sent messages home through their very destroy- 
ers. The subject force fought both zealously and un- 
flinchingly, showing much alertness as once for their 
own freedom, so now to secure the slavery of the Eo- 
mans ; they Wanted, since they were inferior to them at 
all points, to have them as fellow-slaves. 

It was a very great battle and full of diverse inci- — eo — 
dents, partly for the reasons mentioned and partly on 
account of the numbers and the variety of the arma- 
ments. There were vast bodies of heavy-armed sol- 
diers, vast bodies bf cavalry, others that were archers 
and still others that Vere slingers, so that they occupied 
the whole plaia and when scattered often fought with 
their own men, because similarly arrayed, and often 
promiscuously with others. Pompey surpassed in his 
body of horse and atchers; hence they surrounded 
troops from a distance, employed sudden assaults, and 
after throwing them into confusion retired ; then again 
and still again they would attack them, changing now 
to this side and now to that. The Caesarians were on 
their guard against this, and by deploying their ranks 
always managed to face those assailing them, and when 
they came into close quarters with them readily laid 
hold of both men and horses in the contest ; light-armed 
infantry had, in fact, been drawn up with their cavalry 
for this very purpose. And all this took place, as I 
said, not in one spot but in many places at once, scat- 
tered all about ; and with some contending from a dis- 



(^' ^'7o«) *^^^® ^^^ others fighting at close quarters, this body 
smiting its opponents and that group getting struck, 
one detachment fleeing, and a second pursuing, many- 
infantry battles and many cavalry battles as weU were 
ito be seen. Under these conditions many unexpected 
things happened. One man having routed another was 
himself turned to flight, and another who had forced 
a man out of line was in turn attacked by him. One 
soldier who had struck another was himself wounded, 
and a second, who had fallen, killed the enemy who 
stood over him. Many died without being wounded, 
and many when half dead caused more slaughter. Some 
exulted and sang the paean, while others were grieved 
and lamented, so that all places were filled with cries 
and groans. The majority were thrown into confusion 
by this fact, for the mass of words which were unintel- 
ligible to them, because belonging to different nations 
and languages, alarmed them greatly, and those who 
could understand one another suffered a calamity 
many times worse; in addition to their private mis- 
fortunes they saw and heard at the same time those of 
near neighbors. 

— 61— At last, after they had struggled evenly for a very 
long space of time and many on both sides alike had 
fallen or been wounded, Pompey, since the larger part 
of his army was Asiatic and untrained, was defeated, 
even as had been made clear to him before the action. 
Thunderbolts had fallen into his camp, a fire had ap- 
peared in the air over Caesar's ditch and then fell upon 
his own, bees had swarmed upon his military stan- 



dards, and many of the victims after being led up close ,^" J^'^^j 
to the very altar had run away. And so far did the 
effects of that contest extend to the rest of mankind 
that on the very day of the battle collisions of armies 
and the clash of arms occurred in many places: in 
Pergamum a kind of noise of drums and cymbals rose 
from the temple of Dionysus and spread throughout 
the city ; in Tralles a palm tree grew up in the temple 
of Victory and the goddess herself turned about to- 
ward an image of Caesar located beside her; in Syria 
two young men (as they seemed) announced the result 
of the battle and vanished; and in Patavium, which now 
belongs to Italy but was then still a part of Gaul, cer- 
tain birds not only brought news of it but even acted it 
out to some extent, for one Gains Cornelius drew from 
them accurate information of all that had taken place, 
and narrated it to the bystanders. These things hap^ 
pened separately on that very same day and were nat- 
urally distrusted at the time; but when news was 
brought of the engagement, astonishment was felt. 

Of Pompey's followers who were not destroyed on —ea — 
the spot some fled whithersoever they could, and others 
changed their allegiance. Those of them who were sol- 
diers of the line Caesar enrolled among his own troops, 
exhibiting no resentment. Of the senators and knights 
all those whom he had captured before and pitied he 
killed, unless his friends begged some of them off; for 
he allowed each of these on this occasion to save one 
man. The rest who had then for the first time fought 
against him he released, saying: " Those have not 
VOL. 2.— 20 305 


B. c. 48 wronged me who have advanced the interests of Pom- 
pey, their friend, and had received no benefit from 
me." This same attitude he adopted toward the po- 
tentates and peoples who joined his cause. He par- 
doned them all, bearing in mind that he himself was ac- 
quainted with none or almost none of them, whereas 
from his rival they had previously obtained many 
favors. These he praised far more than such as had 
previously received some kindness from Pompey but 
in the midst of dangers had left him in the lurch : the 
former he could reasonably expect would be favorably 
disposed to him also, but as to the latter, no matter how 
anxious they seemed to be to please him in anything, he 
believed that inasmuch as they had betrayed a friend 
in this crisis they would not spare him either on oc- 

— 63— casion. A proof of his feeling is that he spared Sa- 
dalus the Thracian and Deiotarus the Gaul, who had 
been in the battle, and Tarcondimotus, who was ruler 
of a portion of Cilicia and had very greatly assisted 
Caesar's opponent in the way of ships. What need is 
there of listing the rest who sent auxiliaries, to all of 
whom he granted pardon and merely exacted money 
from them? He did them no other damage and took 
from them nothing else, though many had frequently 
received great gifts from Pompey, some long ago and 
some just at that time. A certain portion of Armenia 
that had belonged to Deiotarus he did give to Ariobar- 
zanes, king of Cappadocia, yet in this he did not injure 
Deiotarus at all, but rather conferred an additional 
favor upon him. He did not sunder the territory from 



Ms domains, but after occupying all of Armenia be- (^•^^7^) 
fore occupied by Pharnaces lie bestowed one part of it 
upon Ariobarzanes and another part upon Deiotarus, 
Pbarnaces made a plea tbat be bad not assisted Pom- 
pey and therefore, in view of bis behavior, deserved 
to obtain pardon : Caesar, however, gave him no satis- 
factory response, and furthermore reproached him 
with the very fact that he had proved himself base and 
impious toward his benefactor. Such humaneness and 
uprightness did he afterward show in every case to all 
those who had fought against him. Moreover, all the 
letters that were found filed away in Pompey's chests 
which convicted any persons of good-will toward the 
latter or ill-will toward himself he neither read nor had 
copied but burned them immediately, in order not to be 
forced by what was in them to take severe measures ; 
and for this reason if no other any one ought to hate 
the men that plotted against him. This is not a mere 
random remark, but may serve to call attention to the 
fact that Marcus Brutus Csepio, who afterward killed 
him, was captured by him and preserved from harm. 






The following is contained in the Forty-second of Die's Rome. 

How Pompey, defeated in Tliessaly, took to flight and per- 
ished in Egypt (chapters 1-5). 

How Caesar, following Pompey, came into Egypt (chapters 

How the news about Csesar and Pompey was announced 
at E.ome, and what decrees were passed in honor of Csesar 
(chapters 17-20). 

How in the absence of Csesar the population of Rome 
revolted (chapters 21-33). 

How Cassar fought and subdued the Egyptians and show- 
ered favors upon Cleopatra (chapters 34-44). 

How Csesar conquered Pharnaces (chapters 45-48). 

How Csesar returned to Rome and reconciled the interests 
there (chapters 49-55). 

How Csesar led an expedition into Africa (chapters 56— 

Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Julius Csesar 
(II) and Publius Servilius Isauricus, together with one additional year, 
in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated. 

C. lulius C. P. Csesar, Dictator (II), M. Antonius M. f., 
Master of Horse, and the two consuls C. Eufius C. f. 
Calenus and P. Vatinius P. f. (B. C. 47 = a. u. 707.) 



The general nature of the battle has, accordingly, — i — 
been described. As a result of it Pompey straightway \^'.u.''m>) 
despaired of all his undertakings and no longer made 
any account of his own valor or of the number of his 
remaining soldiers or of the fact that Fortune often 
restores the vanquished in the shortest space of time ; 
yet in former times he had always possessed the great- 
est cheerfulness and the greatest hopefulness on all oc- 
casions of failure. The reason for this was that in the 
cases just mentioned he had usually been evenly 
matched with the foe and hence had not discounted a 
victory in advance; but by reflecting beforehand on 
the dual possibilities of the outcome of the engagement, 
while he was still coolheaded and before being involved 
in any alarm, he had not neglected to prepare for the 
worst. In this way he had not been compelled to yield 
to disasters and was able with ease to renew the con- 
flict: but this time as he had expected to far surpass 
Caesar he had foreseen nothing. For instance, he had 
not put the camp in proper condition nor provided a 
refuge for himself if defeated. And whereas he might 
have delayed action and so have conquered without a 
battle, — for his army kept increasing every day and he 
had abundant provisions because he was in a country 
for the most part friendly and because he was lord of 
the sea, — nevertheless, whether of his own accord and 
thinking he would conquer in any event, or because he 
was forced by his associates, he brought on an engage- 



B. c. 48 ment. Consequently as soon as lie was defeated he 

{a. u. 706) ^ •' 

was terribly alarmed and had no opportune plan or 

sure hope ready to enable him to face the danger anew. 
"Whenever any event befalls a man unexpectedly and 
most contrary to what seemed reasonable, it humbles 
his mind and drives out the faculty of calculation, so 
that he becomes the poorest and weakest judge of what 
must be done. Calculation cannot live in the midst of 
fears ; if it occupies the ground first, it thrusts them out 
very effectively, but if it be a second comer, it gets the 
worst of the encounter. 
— 2 — Hence Pompey, also, having considered none of the 
chances beforehand, was found naked and defenceless, 
whereas, had anything been foreseen, he might, per- 
haps, without trouble have quickly recovered all his 
losses. Large numbers of the combatants had sur- 
vived and he had other forces that were considerable. 
Above all, he had gotten into his possession large 
amounts of money and was master of the entire sea, 
and the cities both there and in Asia were fond of him 
even in his misfortune. But, as it turned out, since he 
had fared so ill where he felt most encouraged, in the 
temporary seizure of fear he made no use of any one 
of these resources, but left the fortifications at once 
and fled with a few companions toward Larissa. He 
did not enter the city although the Larissseans invited 
him, because he feared that by so doing he might incur 
some blame. Bidding them make terms with the vic- 
tor, he himself took provisions, embarked on the sea, 
and sailed away to Lesbos on a merchantman, to his 



wife Cornelia and his son Sextus. After taking charge , ^- C- 48 

° ° {a. u. 70G) 

of them he did not even enter Mitylene but started for 
Egypt, hoping to secure an alliance with Ptolemy, the 
king of that country. This was the son of that Ptolemy 
who, through the agency of Gabinius, had received 
back the kingdom at his hands, and he had as an ac- 
knowledgment of that service sent a fleet to Pompey's 
assistance. I have heard that Pompey thought also 
of fleeing to the Parthians, but I cannot credit the re- 
port. For that race so hated all the Eomans ever since 
Crassus had led his expedition against them, and Pom- 
pey especially, because related to him, that they im- 
prisoned his envoy who came with a request for aid, 
though he, was a senator. And Pompey would have 
never endured in his misfortune to become a suppliant 
of a most hostile nation for what he had failed to obtain 
while enjoying success. However, — he proceeded to — 3 — 
Egypt for the reasons mentioned, and after coasting 
along the shore as far as Cilicia went across from there 
to Pelusium, where Ptolemy, just then engaged in a 
war with his sister Cleopatra, was encamped. Bring- 
ing the ships to anchor he sent some men to remind the 
prince of the favor shown his father and to ask that 
he be permitted to land on definite and secure condi- 
tions : he did not venture to disembark before obtaining 
some guarantee of safety. Ptolemy made him no an- 
swer, for he was stUl a mere child, but some of the 
Egyptians and Lucius Septimius, a Roman who had 
made campaigns with Pompey but was a relative of 
Gabinius and had been left behind by him to keep guard 



B. c. 48 over Ptoiemy, came in the guise of friends : for all that 

(a. u. 706) •" ^ . 

they impiously plotted against hmi and by their act 
brought guilt upon themselves and all Egypt. They 
themselves perished not long after and the Egyptians 
for their part were first delivered to be slaves of Cleo- 
patra (this they particularly disliked) and later were 
— 4— enrolled among the Eoman subjects. Now at this time 
Septimius and Achillas, the commander-in-chief, and 
others who were with them declared they would readily 
receive Pompey, — to the end, of course, that he might 
be the more easily deceived and ensnared. Some of 
them sent on his messengers ahead, bidding them be of 
good cheer, and the natives themselves next embarked 
on some small boats and sailed out to him. After 
many friendly greetings they begged him to come over 
to their vessels, saying that by reason of its size and 
the shallow water a trireme could not closely approach 
their land and that they were very eager to see Pompey 
himself more quickly. He thereupon changed ships, 
although all his fellow voyagers urged him not to do it, 
trusting in his hosts and saying merely : 

" Whoever to a tyrant wends his way, 
His slave is he, e'en though his steps be free." i 

iThis couplet is from an unknown play of Sophocles, according to 
both Plutarch and Appian. Plutarch, in his extant works, cites it 
three times (Life of Pompey, chapter 78; Sayings of Kings and Em- 
perors, p. 204E ; How a Young Man Ought to Hear Poems, chapter 12 ) . 
In the last of these passages he tells how Zeno by a slight change 
in the words alters the lines to an opposite meaning which better ex- 
presses his own sentiments. Diogenes Laertius (II, 8) relates a similar 
incident. Plutarch says that Pompey quoted the verses in speaking to 
his wife and son, but Appian (Civil Wars, H, 85) that he repeated them 
to himself. 

The verses will be found as No. 789 of the Incertarum Fabularum 
Fragmenta in Nauck's Tragici Grwci. 



Now wlien they drew near the land, fearing that if h.9 , ^- ^vt! > 

•' ' ° _ (a. M. 706) 

even met Ptolemy he might be saved, by the king him- 
self or by the Romans who dwelt with him or by the 
Egyptians, who regarded him with great affection, they 
killed him before sailing into harbor. He said not a 
word and uttered no complaint, but as soon as he per- 
ceived their plot and recognized that he would not be 
able to ward them off nor escape, he veiled his face. 

Such was the end of the famous Pompey the Great, — 5 — 
wherein once more the weakness and the strange for- 
tune of the human race are proved. He was no 
whit deficient in foresight, but was deceived by having 
been always absolutely secure against any force of 
harmful potency. He had won many unexpected vic- 
tories in Africa, and many in Asia and Europe, both 
by land and by sea ever since boyhood; and was now 
in the fifty-eighth year of his age defeated without 
good reason. He who had subdued the entire Roman 
sea perished on it: and whereas he had once, as the 
story goes, been master of a thousand ships, he was 
destroyed in a tiny boat near Egypt and really by that 
same Ptolemy whose father he had once restored from 
exile to that land and to his kingdom. The man whom 
at that time Roman soldiers were still guarding, sol- 
diers left behind by Gabinius as a favor to Pompey 
and on account of the hatred felt by the Egyptians 
for the young prince's father, seemed now to have put 
him to death by the hands of those Romans and those 
Egyptians. Pompey, who was previously considered 
the dominant figure among the Eomans so that he even 



B. c. 48 had the nickname of Agamemnon, was now slain like 
**■ "■ any of the lowest of the Egyptians themselves, near 
Mount Casius and on the anniversary of the day on 
which he had celebrated a triumph over Mithridates 
and the pirates. Even in this point, therefore, there 
xas nothing similar in the two parts of his career. 
Of yore on that day he had experienced the most bril- 
liant success, whereas he now suffered the most griev- 
ous fate : again, following a certain oracle he had been 
suspicious of all the citizens named Cassius, but in- 
stead of being the object of a plot by any man called 
Cassius he died and was buried beside the mountain 
that had this name. Of his fellow voyagers some werd 
captured at once, while others fled, among them his 
wife and child. The former under a safe conduct came 
later safely to Rome: the latter, Sextus, proceeded to 
Africa to his brother Gnaeus; these are the names by 
which they are distinguished, since they both bore the 
appellation Pompey. 
— 6— Caesar, when he had attended to pressing demands 
after the battle and had assigned to certain others 
Greece and the remainder of that region to win over 
and administer, himself pursued after Pompey. He 
hurried forward as far as Asia in quest of news about 
him, and there waited for a time since no one knew 
which way he had sailed. Everything turned out favor- 
ably for him: for instance, while crossing the Helles- 
pont m a kind of ferryboat, he met Pompey 's fleet sail- 
ing with Lucius Cassius in command, but so far from 
suffering any harm at their hands he terrified them 
and won them to his side. Next, meeting with no resist- 
ance any longer he took possession of the rest of that 



district and regulated its affairs, levying a money con- b. c. 48 
tribution, as I said, but otherwise doing no one any 
harm and even conferring benefits on all, so far as was 
possible. He did away with the taxgatherers, who 
abused the people most cruelly, and he converted the 
product of the taxes into a payment of tribute. 

Meanwhile, learning that Pompey was sailing to — 7 — 
Egypt, he was afraid that his rival by occupying it in 
advance might again acquire strength, and he set out 
with all speed. Him he f oimd no longer alive. Then 
with a few followers he sailed far in advance of the 
others to Alexandria itself before Ptolemy came from 
Pelusium. On discovering that the people of the city 
were in a tumult over Pompey 's death he did not at 
once venture to disembark, but put out to sea and 
waited till he saw the head and finger-ring of the mur- 
dered man, sent him by Ptolemy. Thereupon he ap- 
proached the land with some courage: the multitude, 
however, showed irritation at the sight of his lictors 
and he was glad to make his escape into the palace. 
Some of his soldiers had their weapons taken from 
them, and the rest accordingly put to sea again until 
all the ships had readied harbor. Caesar at the sight — 8 — 
of Pompey 's head wept and lamented bitterly, calling 
him countryman and son-in-law, and enumerating all 
the kindnesses they had shown each other. He said 
that he owed no reward to the murderers, but heaped 
reproaches upon them, and the head he commanded to 
be adorned and after proper preparation to be buried. 
For this he received praise, but for his pretences he 
was made a laughing stock. He had from the outset 
been thoroughly set upon dominion; he had always 



la uTm) ^^^^ Pompey as his antagonist and adversary ; besides 
all his other measures against him he had brought on 
this war with no other purpose than to secure his 
rival's ruin and his own leadership; he had but now 
been hurrying to Egypt with no other end in view than 
to overthrow him completely if he should still be alive : 
yet he feigned to miss his presence and made a show 
of vexation over his destruction. 

— ^— Under the belief that now that Pompey was out of 
the way there was no longer any spot left that was 
hostile to him, he spent some time in Egypt collecting 
money and adjudicating the differences between Ptol- 
emy and Cleopatra. Meanwhile other wars were being 
prepared for him. Egypt revolted, and Pharnaces had 
begun, just as soon as he learned that Pompey and 
Caesar were at variance, to lay claim to his ancestral 
domain : he hoped that they would consume much time 
in their disputes and use up their own powers upon 
each other. He was at this time still clinging to the 
districts mentioned, partly because he had once as- 
serted his claim and partly because he understood that 
Caesar was far off; and he had occupied many points 
in advance. Meanwhile Cato and Scipio and the rest 
who were of the same mind with them set on foot in 
Africa a war that was both a civil and a foreign conflict. 

— 10 — It was this way. Cato had been left behind at Dyr- 
rachium by Pompey to keep an eye upon reinforce- 
ments from Italy, in case any one should cross, and to 
repress the Parthini in case they should cause any 
disturbance. At first he carried on war with the latter, 
but after Pompey 's defeat he abandoned Epirus and 
proceeding to Corcyra with those of the same mind as 


(a. «. 706) 

— 11 — 


himself he there received the men who escaped from i^'u^tl^ 
the battle and the rest who had the same interests. 
Cicero and a few other senators had set out for Rome 
at once : but the majority, together with Labienus and 
Af raaius, since they had no hope in Caesar, — the one 
because he had deserted, the other because after hav- 
ing been pardoned by him he had again made war on 
him, — went to Cato, put him at their head and con- 
tinued the war. Their number was later increased by 
the addition of Octavius. The latter after sailing into 
the Ionian sea and arresting Gains Antonius conquered 
several places but could not take Salome though he 
besieged it for a very long time. Having Gabinius to 
assist them they repulsed him vigorously and finally 
along with the women made a sortie which was emi- 
nently successful. The women with hair let down and 
robed in black garments took torches, and after array- 
ing themselves wholly in the most terrifying manner 
assaulted the besieging camp at midnight: they threw 
the outposts, who thought they were spirits, into panic 
and then from all sides at once hurled the fire within 
the palisade and following on themselves slew many in 
confusion and many who were asleep, occupied the 
place without delay, and captured at the first approach 
the harbor in which Octavius was lying. They were 
not, however, left at peace. He escaped them some- 
how, gathered a force again, and after defeating them 
in battle invested their city. Meanwhile Gabinius died 
of sickness and he gained control of the whole sea in 
that vicinity, and by making descents upon the land did 
the inhabitants much harm. This lasted until the bat- 
tle near Pharsalus, after which his soldiers at the onset 



^ *^ 7flBi °^ ^ contingent from Brundusium changed sides witli- 
out even making a resistance. Then, destitute of allies, 
he retired to Corcyra. 

Gnseus Pompey first sailed about with the Egyptian. 

— 12— fleet and overran Epirus, so-called, almost capturing 

Oricum. The commander of the place, Marcus Acilius,^ 
had blocked up the entrance to the harbor by boats 
crammed with stones and about the mouth of it had 
raised towers on both sides, on the land, and on ships 
of burden. Pompey, however, had submarine divers 
scatter the stones that were in the vessels and when the 
latter had been lightened he dragged them out of the 
way, freed the passage, and next, after puttiag heavy- 
armed troops ashore on each half of the breakwater, he 
sailed in. He burned all the boats and most of the 
city and would have captured the rest of it, had he not 
been wounded and caused the Egyptians to fear that 
he might die. After receiving medical attendance he 
no longer assailed Oricum but journeyed about pillag- 
ing various places and once vainly made an attempt 
upon Brundusium itself, as some others had done. This 
was his occupation for awhile. When his father had 
been defeated and the Egyptians on receipt of the news 
sailed home, he betook himself to Cato. And his ex- 

— 13— ample was followed by Gains Cassius, who had done 

very great mischief both in Italy and in Sicily and had 
overcome a number of opponents in many battles by 
sea and by land. 

Many simultaneously took refuge with Cato because 
they saw that he excelled them in uprightness, and he, 
using them as comrades in struggle and counselors for 

IM. Adliua Oanirma. 



all matters, sailed to the Peloponnesus with the appar- , ^- '^' ^^ , 

■^ (o. «. 706) 

ent intention of occupying it, for he had not yet heard 
that Pompey was dead. He did seize Patr£e and there 
received among other accessions Petreius and Pom- 
pey 's son-in-law^ Faustus. Subsequently Quintus 
Fufius Calenus led an expedition against them, where- 
upon they set sail, and coming to Cyrene there learned 
of the death of Pompey. Their views were now no 
longer harmonious : Cato, loathing the thought of Cae- 
sar's sovereignty, and some others in despair of get- 
ting pardon from him, sailed to Africa with the army, 
added Scipio to their number, and were as active as 
possible against Caesar; the majority scattered, and 
some of them retired to make their peace as each one 
best might, while the rest, among them Gains Cassius, 
went to Caesar forthwith and received assurance of 

Calenus had been sent by Caesar into Greece before _ i4_ 
the battle, and he captured among other places the 
Peiraeus, owing to its being imwalled. Athens (al- 
though he did a great deal of damage to its territory) 
he was unable to take before the defeat of Pompey. 
The inhabitants then capitulated voluntarily and Caesar 
without resentment released them altogether, making 
only this remark, that ia spite of their many offences 
they were saved by the dead. This speech signified 
that it was on account of their ancestors and on account 
of the latter 's glory and excellence that he spared them. 
Accordingly Athens and most of the rest of Greece then 
at once made terms with him: but the Megarians in 

1 In the MS. some corruption has jumhled these names together. The 
correct interpretation was furnished by Xylander and Leunclavius. 

VOL. 2.— 21 321 


B. c. 48 spite of this resisted and were captured only at a con- 
siderably later date, partly by force and partly by 
treachery. Wherefore a great slaughter of the people 
was instituted and the survivors sold. Calenus had 
so acted that he might seem to have taken a merited 
vengeance upon them. But since he feared that the 
city might perish utterly, he sold the dwellers in the 
first place to their relatives, and in the second place 
for a very small sum, so that they might regain their 

After these achievements Caesar marched upon Patrse 
and occupied it easily, as he had frightened out Cato 

— 15— and his followers in advance. While these various 
troubles were being settled, there was an uprising in 
Spain, although the country was at peace. The Span- 
iards were at the time subject to many abuses from 
Quintus Longinus, and at first some few banded to- 
gether to kill him. He was woimded but escaped, and 
after that proceeded to wrong them a great deal more. 
Then a number of Cordubasians and a number of sol- 
diers who had formerly belonged to the Pompeian 
party rose against him, putting at their head Marcus 
Marcellus ^seminus, the quaestor. He did not accept 
their appointment with his whole heart, but seeing the 
uncertainty of events and admitting that they might 
turn out either way, he straddled the issue. All that 
he said or did was of a neutral character, so that 
whether Caesar or Pompey should prevail he would 
seem to have fought for the cause of either one. He 
favored Pompey by receiving those who transferred 
their allegiance to him and by fighting against Lon- 
ginus, who declared he was on Caesar's side: at th« 



same time he did a kindness to Caesar because he as- ,^- ^-1^, 

(o. u. 706) 

sumed charge of the soldiers when (as he would say) 
Longinus was guilty of certain irregularities, and kept 
these men for him, while not allowing their commander 
to be alienated. And when the soldiers inscribed the 
name of Pompey on their shields he erased it so that 
he might by this act offer to the one man the deeds 
done by the arms and to the other their reputed owner- 
ship, and by laying claim to one thing or the other as 
done va. behalf of the victor and by referring the oppo- 
site to necessity or to different persons he might con- 
tinue safe. Consequently, although he had the oppor- — le — 
tunity of overthrowing Longinus altogether by mere 
numbers, he refused, but while extending his actions 
over considerable time in the display and preparation 
of what he desired, he put the responsibility for doubt- 
ful measures upon other persons. Therefore both in 
his setbacks and the advantages he gained he could 
make the plea that he was acting equally in behalf of 
the same person: the setbacks he might have planned 
himself or might not, and for the advantages others 
might or might not be responsible. He continued in 
this way until Csesar conquered, when, having iacurred 
the victor's wrath, he was temporarily banished, 
but was later brought back from exile and honored. 
Longinus, however, being denounced by the Spaniards 
in an embassy, was deprived of his office and while on 
his way home perished near the mouth of the Iber. 

These events took place abroad. The population — 17_ 
of Rome while the interests of Csesar and Pompey were 
in a doubtful and vacillating state all professedly es- 
poused the cause of Caesar, influenced by his troops that 



B. c. 48 were in their midst and by his colleague Servilius. 
Whenever a victory of his was reported, they rejoiced, 
and whenever a reverse, they grieved, — some really, 
some pretendedly in each case. For there were many 
spies prowling about and eavesdroppers, observing 
what was being said and done on such occasions. Pri- 
vately the talk and actions of those who detested Caesar 
and preferred Pompey's side were the very opposite 
of their public expressions. HeneCj whereas both par- 
ties made a show of receiving any and all news as 
favorable to their hopes, they in fact regarded it some- 
times with fear and sometimes with boldness, and inas- 
much as many diverse rumors would often be going 
the rounds on the same day and in the same hour their 
position was a most trying one. In the briefest space 
of time they were pleased, were grieved, grew bold, 
grew fearful. When the battle of Pharsalus was re- 
ported they were long incredulous. Caesar sent no 
despatch to the government, hesitating to appear to be 
rejoicing publicly over such a victory, for which reason 
also he celebrated no triumph : and again, there seemed 
little likelihood of its being true, in view of the relative 
equipment of the two forces and the hopes entertained. 
When at last they gave the story credence, they took 
down the images of Pompey and of Sulla that stood 
upon the rostra, but did nothing further at that time. 
A large number did not wish to do even that, and an 
equally large number fearing that Pompey might re- 
new the strife regarded this as quite enough for Caesar 
and expected that it would be a fairly simple matter 
to placate Pompey on account of it. Moreover, when 
he died, they would not believe this news till late, and 


— 18 — 


until they saw Ms signet that had been sent. (On this b. c. 48 

{a. u. 7O0) 

were carved three trophies, as on that of Sulla.) But —19 — 
when he appeared to be really dead, at last they openly 
praised the winner and abused the loser and proposed 
that everything in the world which they could devise 
be given to Caesar. In the course of it all there was a 
great rivalry among practically all of the foremost 
men, who were eager to outdo one another in fawning 
upon him and voting pleasing measures. By their 
shouts and by their gestures all of them as if Caesar 
were present and looking on showed the very greatest 
zeal and deemed that in return for it they would get 
immediately, — as if they were doing it to please him 
at all and not from necessity, — the one an office, an- 
other a priesthood, and a third some pecuniary reward. 
I shall omit those honors which had either been voted 
to some others previously, — images, crowns, front 
seats, and things of that kind, — or were novel and pro- 
posed now for the first time, which were not also con- 
firmed by CsBsar : for I fear that I might become weari- 
some, were I to enumerate them all. This same plan I 
shall adopt in my later narrations, adhering the more 
strictly to it, as the honors proposed grew more in 
number and more universal. Only such as had some 
special and extraordinary importance and were then 
confirmed will be set down. They granted him, then, —20 — 
permission to do whatever he liked to those who had 
favored Pompey's cause; it could not be said that he 
had n,ot already received this right from himself, but 
it was intended that he might seem to be acting with 
some show of legal authority. They appointed him 
lord of wars and peace (using the confederates in Af- 



B. c. 48 rica as a pretext) in regard to all mankind, even though 
he should make no communication on the subject to the 
people or the senate. This was also naturally in his 
power before, inasmuch as he had so large a force ; 
and the wars he had fought he had undertaken himself 
in nearly every case : nevertheless, because they wished 
still to appear to be free and independent citizens, they 
voted him these rights and everything else which it was 
in his power to have even against their wUl. He re- 
ceived the privilege of being consul for five consecutive 
years and of being chosen dictator not for six months 
but for an entire year, and could assume the tribuni- 
cian authority practically for life. He was enabled to 
sit with the tribunes upon the same benches and to be 
reckoned with them for other purposes, — a right com- 
monly accorded to no one. All the elections except 
those of the people were put in his hands and for this 
reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were 
carried on only toward the close of the year.^ The 
governorships in subject territory the citizens them- 
selves of course allotted to the consuls, but they voted 
that Caesar might give them to the praetors without the 
casting of lots : for they had gone back to consuls and 
praetors again contrary to their decrees. And another 
practice which had the sanction of custom, indeed, but 
in the corruption of the times might justly be deemed 
a cause of hatred and resentment^ formed the matter 
of one of their resolutions. Caesar had at that time 
heard not a word of the mere inception of the war 
against Juba and against the Eomans who had fought 

1 The year 47, in which Cssar came to Rome, is here meant, or else 
Dio has made an error. 



on his side, and yet they assigned a triumph for him to ^- '-'vl^, 
hold, as if he had been victor. 

In this way these votes and ratifications took place. — ai — 
Caesar entered upon the dictatorship at once, though 
he was outside Italy, and chose Antony, who had 
not yet been praetor, as his master of the horse : and the 
consul proposed his name, although the augurs most 
strongly opposed him with the declaration that no one 
was allowed to be master of the horse for more than six 
months. They incurred, however, a great deal of 
laughter for this, — deciding that Caesar should be 
chosen dictator for a year contrary to all ancestral 
precedent, and then splitting hairs about the master 
of the horse. Marcus Caelius* actually perished because — 22 — 
he dared to break the laws laid down by Caesar regard- 
ing loans of money, as if their propounder was de- 
feated and ruined, and because he had therefore stirred 
up to strife Eome and Campania. He had been very 
prominent in carrying out Caesar's wishes, for which 
reason moreover he had been appointed praetor ; but he 
became angry because he had not also been made praetor 
urbanus, and because his colleague Trebonius had been 
preferred before him for this office^ not by lot as had 
been the custom, but by Caesar's choice. Hence he op- 
posed his colleague in everything and would not let 
him perform any of the duties that belonged to him. 
He would not consent to his executing judgments ac- 
cording to Caesar's laws, and furthermore gave notice 
to such as owed any sum that he would assist them 
against the money-lenders, and to all who dwelt in 

1 if. OubUus Rufua. 



B. c. 48 other peoples ' houses that he would release them from 

{a. u. 706) ^ ^ 

payment of rent. Having by this course won the at- 
tachment of many he set upon Trebonius with their aid 
and would have killed him, had he not managed to 
change his robe and escape in the crowd. After this 
failure CaBlius privately issued a law in which he gave 

— 23 — to all the use of houses free and annulled debts. Ser- 
vilius consequently sent for some soldiers who chanced 
to be going by on the way to Gaul and after convening 
the senate under their protection he presented a propo- 
sition about the matter in hand. No ratification was 
reached, since the tribunes prevented it, but the sense 
of the meeting was recorded and Servilius then ordered 
the court officers to take down the offending tablets. 
When Caelius drove them away and acted in a disor- 
derly manner toward the consul himself, they convened 
again, still protected by the soldiers, and delivered to 
Servilius the " care of the city," a phrase I have often 
used previously in regard to it. After this he would 
not permit Caelius, even in his capacity as praetor, to 
do anything, but assigned the duties pertaining to 
his office to some other praetor, debarred him from 
the senate, dragged him from the rostra in the midst of 

84 _ some vociferation, and broke to pieces his chair. Of 

course Caelius was violently angry at him for each of 
these acts, but since Servilius. had a rather respectable 
body of troops in town he was afraid that he might 
suffer chastisement, and therefore decided to set out 
for Campania to join Milo, who was instituting a kind 
of rebellion. The latter, when it proved that he was 
the only one of the exiles not restored by Caesar, had 



come to Italy, where lie gathered a number of men, b. c. 48 
some in want of a livelihood and others fearing some 
pnnishment, and ravaged the coimtry, assailing Capua 
and other cities. It was to him that Cselius wished to 
betake himself, in order that with his aid he might do 
Caesar all possible harm. He was watched, however, 
and could not leave the city openly; and he did not ven- 
ture to escape secretly because (among other motives) 
he hoped to accomplish a great deal more by possess- 
ing the attire and the title of praetor. At last, there- 
fore, he approached the consul and obtained from him 
leave of absence, saying that he wished to proceed to 
Caesar. The other, though he suspected his intention, 
still allowed him to do this, particularly because he was 
very insistent, invoking Caesar's name and pretending 
that he was eager to submit his defence. Servilius sent 
a tribune with him, so that if he should attempt any 
rebellious conduct he might be prevented. When they _ 25 _ 
got to Campania, and found that Milo after a defeat 
near Capua had taken refuge in the Tifatine moun- 
tain, and Caelius would go no farther, the tribune was 
alarmed and wished to bring him back home. Servilius, 
learning of this in advance, declared war upon Milo in 
the senate and gave orders that Caelius (who must be 
prevented from stirring up any confusion) should re- 
main in the suburbs. However, he did not keep him 
under strict surveillance, because the man was a 
praetor. Thus Caelius made his escape and hastened to 
Milo : and he would certainly have aroused some sedi- 
tion, had he found him alive. As it proved, Milo had 
been driven from Campania and had perished in 
Apulia: Caelius therefore went to Bruttium, presum- 



B. 0. 48 ably to form some league in that district, and there he 

(a. u. 706) . 

perished before doing anything important ; for the per- 
sons who favored Caesar banded together and killed 

— 26— So these men died, but that did not bring quiet to 
Eome. On the contrary, many dreadful events took 
place, as, indeed, omens indicated beforehand. Among 
other things that happened toward the end of that 
year bees settled on the Capitol beside the statue of 
Hercules. At the time sacrifices to Isis chanced to be 
going on and the soothsayers gave their opinion to the 
effect that the precincts of that goddess and of Serapis 
should be razed to the ground, as of yore. In the 
course of demolition a small shrine of Bellona had un- 
wittingly been taken down, and in it were found jars 

B. c. 47 full of human flesh. The following year a violent earth- 
quake occurred, an owl was seen, thunderbolts de- 
scended upon the Capitol and upon the temple of the 
so-called Public Fortune and into the gardens of 
Caesar, where a horse of considerable value was de- 
stroyed by them, and the temple of Fortime opened of 
its own accord. In addition to this, blood issuing from 
a bake-shop flowed to another temple of Fortune, whose 
statue on account of the fact that the goddess neces- 
sarily oversees and can fathom everything that is be- 
fore us as well as behind and does not forget from 
what beginnings any great man came they had set up 
and named in a way not easy for Greeks to describe.* 

1 This is one of some twenty different phases (listed in Wiasowa, 
Religion und Kultus der Rdmer, p. 212) under which the goddess was 
worshipped. (See also Boscher I, col. 1513.) The appropriate Latin 
title was Fortuna Bespioiens, and it certainly had a Greek equivalent 
{TuwT] imnrpstpofiiv-qia Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, c. 10) which it 
seems strange that Dio should not have known. Moreover, our historian 



Also some infants were bom holding their left hands b. c. 47 

" (a. u. 707) 

to their heads, so that whereas no good was looked 
for from the other signs, from this especially an up- 
rising of inferiors against superiors was both fore- 
told by the soothsayers and accepted by the people 
as true. 

These portents so revealed by supernatural power —27 — 
disturbed them ; and their fear was augmented by the 
very appearance of the city, which had been strange 
and unaccustomed at the beginning of the month and 
thereafter for a long time. There was as yet no con- 
sul or praetor, and Antony, in so far as his costume 
went (which was the toga laticlavia) and his lictors, 
of whom he had only six, and his convening the senate, 
furnished some semblance of democracy : but the sword 
with which he was girded, and the throng of soldiers 
that accompanied him, and his actions themselves most 
of all indicated the existence of one sole ruler. Many 
robberies, outrages, and murders took place. And not 
only were the existing conditions most distressing to 
the Eomans, but they dreaded a far greater number of 
more terrible acts from Cassar. For when the master 
of the horse never laid aside his sword even at the 
festivals, who would not have been suspicious of the 
dictator himself? (At the most of these festivals An- 

has apparently given a wrong interpretation of the name, since respioio 
in Latin, when used of the gods, commonly means to " look favorably 
upon." In Plautus's Captivi (verse 834) there is a play on the wprd 
respice involving the goddess, and in his Asinaria (verse 716) mention 
is made of a closely related divinity, Fortuna Obsequens. Cicero 
{de legibus, II, 11, 28), in enumerating the divinities that merit human 
worship, includes " Fortuna, quse est vel Huius diei — nam valet in 
omnis dies — vel Respiciens ad opem ferendam, vel Fors, in quo incerti 
casus signiflcantur magis "... The name Fortuna Respiciens 
has also come to light in at least three inscriptions. 



B. c. 47 tony presided at the orders of Caesar. Some few the 
tribunes also had in charge.) If any persons stopped to 
think of his magnanimity, which had led him to spare 
many that had opposed him in battle, nevertheless, see- 
ing that men who had gained an office did not stick to 
the same principles as guided them in striving for it, 
they therefore expected that he too would change his 

— 28 — tactics. They felt aggrieved and discussed the matter 
with one another at length, — those at least who were 
safe in so doing, for they could not make everybody a 
companion with impunity. Many who would seem to be 
good friends and others who were relatives were liable 
to slander them, perverting some statements, and tell- 
ing downright lies on other points. This was a cause of 
the greatest discomfort to the rest who were not equally 
safe, because, being able neither to lament nor to share 
their views with others they could not in any way get 
rid of their thoughts. Communication with those simi- 
larly afflicted lightened their burden somewhat, and the 
man who could safely utter and hear in return what the 
citizens were undergoing became easier. But distrust 
of such as were not of like habits with themselves 
confined their dissatisfaction within their minds and in- 
flamed them the more, as they could not tell their 
secret* nor obtain any relief. In addition to keeping 
their suiferings shut up within they were compelled 
to praise and admire their treatment, as also to cele- 
brate festivals, perform sacrifices, and appear happy in 
it all. 

_ 29 — This was the condition of the Romans in the City at 
that time. And, as if it were not sufficient for them 

1 This is the phrase commonly supplied to explain a palpable cor- 
ruption in the MS. 



to be abused by Antony, Lucius Trebellius and Publius b. c. 47 
Cornelius Dolabella, tribunes, began a factional dis- 
turbance. The latter fought on the side of the debtors, 
to which category he belonged, and had therefore 
changed his legal standing from patrician to plebeian, 
to get the tribuneship. The former said he represented 
the nobles, but none the less published edicts and had 
recourse to murders. This, too, naturally resulted in 
a great disturbance and many weapons were every- 
where in evidence, although the senators had com- 
manded that no changes should be made before Caesar 's 
arrival in the city, and Antony that no private indi- 
vidual in the city should carry arms. As they paid no 
attention themselves, however, to these orders, but re- 
sorted to all kinds of measures against each other and 
against the men just mentioned, there arose a third dis- 
pute between Antony and the senate. In order to have 
it thought that that body had allowed him weapons and 
the authority that resulted from them (which he had 
been overready to usurp) he got the privilege of keep- 
ing soldiers within the wall and of helping the tribunes 
in maintaining a guard over the city; After this An- 
tony did whatever he desired with a kind of legal right, 
and Dolabella and Trebellius were nominally guilty 
of violence : but their effrontery and resources led them 
to resist both each other and him as if they too had 
received some position of command from the senate. 
Meanwhile Antony learned that the legions which —30 — 
Caesar after the battle had sent ahead into Italy, as 
if to indicate that he would follow them, were engaged 
in doubtful proceedings ; and in fear of some insurrec- 
tion from that quarter he turned over the charge of the 



B. c. 47 city to Lucius Caesar, appointing him praefectus urbi, 
an office never before conferred by a master of the 
horse. He himself set out to the soldiers. The trib- 
unes that were at variance with the two despised 
Lucius because of his advanced age and inflicted many 
outrages upon one another and on the rest until they 
learned that Caesar, having settled the affairs of Egypt, 
had started for Rome. They were carrying on the 
quarrel under the assumption that he would never re- 
turn again but be killed somewhere abroad by the 
Egyptians, as, indeed, they kept hearing. When his 
coming was reported they moderated their conduct for 
a time, but as soon as he set out against Pharnaces 

— 31 — they relapsed into factional differences once more. An- 
tony was unable to restrain them, and finding that his 
opposition to Dolabella was obnoxious to the populace 
he at first joined his party and brought charges against 
Trebellius, — one being to the effect that he was ap- 
propriating the soldiers to his own use. Later, when 
he perceived that he was not esteemed at all by the 
multitude, which was attached only to Dolabella, he be- 
came vexed and changed sides. He was especially in- 
fluenced in this course by the fact that while not shar- 
ing popular favor with the plebeian leader he received 
the greatest share of blame from the senators. So 
nominally he adopted a neutral attitude toward both, 
but really in secret he chose the cause of Trebellius, 
and cooperated with him among other ways by allow- 
ing him to obtain soldiers. From this time on he made 
himself a spectator and director of their contests; and 
they fought, seized in turn the most advantageous 
points in the city, and entered upon a career of killing 



and burning, so that on one occasion the holy vessels , B- c. 47 

°' ■' {a. u. 707) 

were carried by the virgins out of the temple of Vesta. 
Once more the senators voted that the master of the —32 — 
horse should guard the city still more scrupulously, and 
practically the entire to"wn was filled with soldiers. 
Yet there was no respite. Dolabella in despair of ob- 
taining any pardon fj-om Caesar desired to accomplish 
some great evil and then perish, — with the idea that he 
would forever have renown for this act. So many men 
in the past have become infatuated with basest deeds 
for the mere sake of fame ! Under this influence he too 
wrought universal disturbance, promising even that on 
a certain specified day he would enact his laws in re- 
gard to debts and house-rents. On receipt of these an- 
nouncements the crowd erected barricades around the 
Forum, setting up wooden towers at some points, and 
put itself in readiness to cope with any force that might 
oppose it. At that, Antony brought down from the 
Capitol about dawn a large body of soldiers^ cut down 
the tablets of the laws and hurled some offenders who 
stUl continued to be unruly from the cliffs of the Ca- 
pitol itself. 

However, this did not stop the factional disputes. —33 — 
Instead, the greater the number of those who perished, 
the more did the survivors raise a tumult, thinking that 
Caesar had got involved in a very great and difficult 
war. And they did not cease until suddenly he himself 
appeared before them. Then they became quiet even if 
unwilling. Some of them were expecting to suffer 
every conceivable ill fate, for there was talk against 
them all through the city, and some made one charge 
and others another: but Caesar at this juncture also 



B. c. 47 pursued his usual method. He accepted their attitude 
of the moment as satisfactory and did not concern him- 
self with their past conduct : he spared them all, and 
some of them (including Dolabella) he honored. To 
the latter he owed some kindness, which he did not see 
fit to forget. For in place of overlooking that favor be- 
cause he had been wronged, he pardoned him in con- 
sideration of the benefit received, and besides bringing 
him to other honors Caesar not long after appointed him 
consul, though he had not yet served as praetor. 

— 34— These were the events which were brought about in 
Eome by Caesar's absence. The reasons why he was so 
long in coming there and did not arrive immediately 

B. c. 48 after Pompey's death are as follows. The Egyptians 
were discontented at the levies of money and highly 
indignant because not even their temples were left un- 
touched. They are the most excessively religious people 
on earth and wage wars even against one another on 
account of their beliefs, since their worship is not a 
unified system, but different branches of it are diamet- 
rically opposed one to another. As a result, then, of 
their vexation at this and their further fear that they 
might be surrendered to Cleopatra, who had great m- 
fluence with Caesar, they commenced a disturbance. 
For a time the princess had urged her claim against 
her brother through others who were m Caesar's pres- 
ence, but as soon as she discovered his disposition 
(which was very susceptible, so that he indulged in 
amours with a very great number of women at different 
stages of his travels), she sent word to him that she 
was being betrayed by her friends and asked that she be 
allowed to plead her case in person. She was a woman 



of surpassing beauty, especially conspicuous at that -S- ^-J^. 
time because in the prime of youth, with a most de- 
licious voice and a knowledge of how to make herself 
agreeable to every one. Being brilliant to look upon 
and to listen to, with the power to subjugate even a 
cold natured or elderly person, she thought that she 
might prove exactly to Caesar's tastes and reposed in 
her beauty all her claims to advancement. She begged 
therefore for access to his presence, and on obtaining 
permission adorned and beautified herself so as to ap- 
pear before him in the most striking and pitiable guise. 
When she had perfected these devices she entered the 
city from her habitation outside, and by night without 
Ptolemy's knowledge went into the palace. Caesar upon — 35 — 
seeing her and hearing her speak a few words was 
forthwith so completely captivated that he at once, be- 
fore dawn, sent for Ptolemy and tried to reconcile them, 
acting as an advocate for the same woman whose judge 
he had previously assumed to be. For this reason and 
because the sight of his sister within the royal dwell- 
ing was so unexpected, the boy was filled with wrath 
and rushed out among the people crying out that he 
had been betrayed, and at last he tore the diadem from 
his head and cast it down. In the mighty tumult which 
thereupon arose Caesar's soldiers seized the prince who 
had caused the commotion; but the Egyptian mob was 
in upheaval. They assaulted the palace by land and sea 
together and would have taken it without difficulty (for 
the Romans had no force present sufficient to cope with 
the foreigners, because the latter had been regarded 
as friends) but for the fact that Caesar, alarmed, came 
VOL. 2.-22 337 


B. c. 48 out before them and standing in a safe place promised 
to do for tliem whatsoever they wished. Then he en- 
tered an assembly of theirs and producing Ptolemy and 
Cleopatra read their father's will, in which it was di- 
rected that they should live together according to the 
customs of the Egyptians and rule in common, and 
that the Eoman people should exercise a guardianship 
over them. When he had done this and had added 
that it belonged to him as dictator, holding all the 
power of the people, to have an oversight of the chil- 
dren and to fulfill the father's wishes, he bestowed upon 
them both the kingdom and granted Cyprus to Arsinoe 
and Ptolemy the Younger, a sister and a brother of 
theirs. So great fear possessed him that he not only 
laid hold on none of the Egyptian domain, but actually 
gave the inhabitants in addition some of what was 

— 36 — By this action they were calmed temporarily, but not 
long after they raised a rebellion which reached the 
dignity of war. Potheinos, a eunuch who had taken a 
promment part in urging the Egyptians on, who was 
also charged with the management of Ptolemy's funds, 
was afraid that he might some time pay the penalty 
for his behavior. Therefore he sent secretly to Achil- 
las who was at this time still near Pelusium and by 
frightening him and inspiring him at the same time 
with hopes he made him his associate, and next won 
over also all the rest who bore arms. To all of them 
alike it seemed a shame to be ruled by a woman : for 
they suspected that Caesar on the occasion mentioned 
had given the kingdom to both of the children merely 
to quiet the people, and that in the course of time he 



would offer it to Cleopatra alone. Also they thought b. c. 48 
themselves a match for the army he then had present. 
Some started immediately for Alexandria where they 
busied themselves with their project. Caesar when he —37 — 
learned this was afraid of their numbers and daring, 
and sent some men to Achillas not in his own but in 
Ptolemy's name, bidding him keep the peace. But he, 
understanding that this was not the child's command, 
but Caesar's, so far from giving it any attention was 
filled with contempt for the sender, believing him 
afraid. Then he called his soldiers together and by 
haranguing them at length in favor of Ptolemy and 
against Caesar and Cleopatra he finally so incensed 
them against the messengers, though they were Egyp- 
tians, that they defiled themselves with their murder 
and accepted the necessity of a war without quarter. 
Caesar, when the news was brought him, summoned his 
soldiers from Syria, put a ditch around the palace and 
the other buildings near it, and fortified it with a wall 
reaching to the sea. Meanwhile Achillas had arrived —38 — 
on the scene with his regular followers and with the 
Eomans left behind by Gabinius and Septimius to keep 
guard over Ptolemy: these as a result of their stay 
there had changed their character and were attached 
to the local party. Thus he immediately won over the 
larger part of the Alexandrians and made himself mas- 
ter of the most advantageous positions. After this 
many battles between the two armies occurred both by 
day and at night and many places were set on fire, and 
among others the docks and the storehouses both of 
grain and of books were burned, — the volumes being, 
as is reported, of the greatest number and excellence. 



B c. 48 Achillas commanded the mainland, with the exception 

(o. «. 706) 

of what Caesar had walled off, and the latter the sea, — 
except the harbor. Caesar, indeed, was victorious in a 
sea-fight, and when the Egyptians consequently, fearing 
that he would sail into their harbor, had filled up th^ 
entrance all except a narrow passage, he cut off that 
outlet also by sinking freight ships full of stones; so 
they were unable to stir, no matter how much they 
might desire to sail out. After this achievement pro- 
visions, and among other things water, were brought in 
more easily. Achillas had deprived them of the city 
water supply by cutting the pipes. 
— 30 — While these events were taking place one Ganymedes, 
a eunuch, abducted Arsinoe, as she was not very well 
guarded, and led her out to the people. They declared 
her queen and proceeded to prosecute the war more 
vigorously, inasmuch as they now had a representative 
of the race of the Ptolemies. Caesar, therefore, in fear 
that Pothemos might kidnap Ptolemy, put the former 
to death and guarded the latter strictly without any 
further dissimulation. This contributed to incense the 
Egyptians still more, to whose party munbers were 
added daily, whereas the Roman soldiers from Syria 
were not yet on the scene. Caesar was anxious to 
bring the people to a condition of peace, and so he had 
Ptolemy take his stand on a high place from which 
they could hear his voice and bade him say to them 
that he was unharmed and was averse to warfare. He 
urged them to peaceful measures and promised that 
he would arrange the details for them. Now if he had 
talked thus to them of his own accord, he could have 



persuaded them to become reconciled; but as it was, b. c. 48 
they suspected that it was aJl prearranged by CsBsar, 
and they would not yield. 

As time went on a dispute arose among the fol- —40 — 
lowers of Arsinoe, and Ganymedes prevailed upon her 
to put Achillas to death, on the ground that he wished 
to betray the fleet. When this had been done he as- 
sumed command of the soldiers and gathered all the 
boats that were in the river and the lake, besides con- 
structing others. All of them he conveyed through 
the canals to the sea, where he attacked the Romans 
while off their guard, burned some of their freight 
ships to the water's edge and towed others away. Then 
he cleared out the entrance to the harbor and by lying 
in wait for vessels there he caused the foreigners 
great annoyance. One day Caesar noticed them be- 
having carelessly, by reason of their supremacy, and 
suddenly sailed into the harbor, where he burned a 
number of boats, and disembarking on Pharos slew the 
inhabitants of the island. When the' Egyptians on 
the mainland saw that, they came to their aid over 
the bridges and after killiag many of the Eomans in 
their turn they hurled the remainder back to their 
boats. WhUe these fugitives were forcing their way 
into them at any poiat and in crowds, Caesar, besides 
many others, fell into the sea. And he would have 
perished miserably weighed down by his robes and 
pelted by the Egyptians — his garments, being purple, 
offered a good mark — had he not thrown off the in- 
cumbrances and then succeeded in swimming out some- 
where to a skiff, which he boarded. In this way he 



B. c. 48 was saved without wetting one of tlie docmnents of 

(o. u. 706) 

whieh he held up a large number in his left hand as he 
swam. His clothing the Egyptians took and hung 
upon the trophy which they set up to commemorate 
this rout, as if they had as good as captured the man 
himself. They also kept a close watch upon the land- 
ings (for the legions which had been sent from Syria 
were now near at hand) and did the Romans much 
injury. Cassar could ward off in a way the attack of 
those who assailed him in the direction of Libya: but 
near the mouth of the Nile they deceived many of his 
men by using signal fires as if they too were Romans, 
and captured them, so that the rest no longer ventured 
to coast along until Tiberius Claudius Nero at length 
sailed up the river itself, conquered the foe in battle, 
and rendered the approach less terrifyiag to his own 

—41— followers. Meanwhile Mithridates, named the Perga^ 
menian, undertook to ascend with his ships the mouth 
of the Nile opposite Pelusium ; but when the Egyptians 
barred his entrance with their boats he betook him- 
self by night to the canal, hauled the ships over into 
it (it was one that does not open into the sea), and 
through it sailed up into the Nile. After that he sud- 
denly began from the sea and the river at once a con- 
flict with the vessels that were guarding the mouth 
and broke up their blockade, whereupon he assaulted' 
Pelusium with both his infantry and his force of ships, 
and took it. Advancing then to Alexandria he learned 
that a certain Dioscorides was going to confront them, 
and he ambushed and annihUated him. 

—42— The Egyptians on receiving the news would not end 



the war even under these conditions ; yet they were , ^- c. *8 

(ffl. u. 706) 

irritated at the sovereignty of the eunuch and the 
woman and thought if they could put Ptolemy at their 
head, they would be superior to the Romans. So then, 
finding themselves unable to seize him by any kind of 
violence because he was skillfully guarded, they pre- 
tended that they were worn out by disasters and de^- 
sired peace; and they sent to Caesar a herald to ask 
for Ptolemy, to the end that they might consult with 
him about the terms on which they would make a 
truce. CaBsar thought that they had in very truth 
changed front, especially since he heard that they were 
cowardly and fickle and perceived that at this time 
they were terrified in the face of their defeats. And 
in order not to be regarded as hiudering peace, even 
if they were devising some trick, he said that he ap- 
proved their request, and sent them Ptolemy. He saw 
no tower of strength in the lad in view of his youth 
and ignorance, and hoped that the Egyptians would 
either become reconciled with him on what terms he 
wished or else would better deserve the waging of 
war and subjugation, so that there might be some rea- 
sonable excuse for delivering them to Cleopatra. He 
had no idea of being defeated by them, particularly 
since his force had been augmented. The Egyptians, —48 — 
when they secured the child, had not a thought for 
peace but straightway set out against Mithridates as 
if they were sure to accomplish some great achieve- 
ment in the name and by the family of Ptolemy. They 
cut him off near the lake, between the river and the 



B. c. 48 marshes, and raised a great clamor. Caesar through 

(a. M. 706) ' ^ , 

fear of being ambushed did not pursue them but at 
night he set sail as if he were hurrying to some outlet 
of the Nile and kindled an enormous fire on each ves- 
sel so that it might be thought that he was going a 
very long distance in this direction. He started at 
first, then, to sail away, but afterward extinguished 
the glare, returned and passed alongside the city to 
the peninsula on the Libyan side, where he landed; 
there he disembarked the soldiers, went around the 
lake, and fell upon the Egyptians unexpectedly about 
dawn. They were so startled on the instant that they 
sent a herald to him for terms, but, when he would 
not receive their entreaty, a fierce battle subsequently 
took place in which he was victorious and slew great 
numbers of the enemy. Some fled hastily to cross the 
river and perished in it, together with Ptolemy. 
— 44— In this way Caesar overcame Egypt. He did not, 
(a. «. 707) however, make it subject to the Eomans, but bestowed 
it upon Cleopatra, for whose sake he had waged the 
conflict. Yet, being afraid that the Egyptians might 
rebel again because they were delivered to a woman 
to rule them and that the Eomans for this reason and 
because the woman was his companion might be angry, 
he commanded her to make her other brother partner 
of her habitation, and gave the kingdom to both of 
them, — at least nominally. In reality Cleopatra alone 
was to hold all the power. For her husband was still a 
child and in view of Caesar's favor there was nothing 
that she could not do. Hence her living with her 



brotlier and sharing the sovereignty with him was a ,^'^'1%) 
mere pretence which she accepted, whereas she actu- 
ally ruled alone and spent her life in Caesar's company. 

She would have detained him even longer in Egypt — 46 — 
or else would have at once set out with him for Rome, 
had not Phamaces drawn Caesar most unwillingly from 
Afrio's shores and hindered him from hurrying to 
Italy. This man was a son of Mithridates and ruled the 
Cimmerian Bosporus, as has been stated: it was his 
desire to win back again all his ancestral kingdom, 
and so he revolted just at the time of the quarrel be- 
tween Caesar and Pompey, and, as the Romans had at 
that time foimd business with one another and after- 
ward were detained in Egypt, he got possession of 
Colchis without effort and, in the absence of Deiotarus, 
subjugated all of Armenia and some cities of Cappa- 
docia and Pontus that were attached to the district 
of Bithynia. While he was thus engaged Caesar him- — 46 — 
self did not stir, — Egypt was not yet settled and he 
had some hope of overcoming the man through others 
— but he sent Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus, assigning 
biTTi charge of Asia and ... * legions. This officer added 
to his force Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes and marched 
straight against Phamaces, who was in Nieopolis, — 
a city he had previously occupied. Indeed, he felt 
contempt for the barbarian, because the latter m ter- 
ror of his presence was ready to agree to an armistice 
looking to an embassy, and so he would not conclude 
a truce with him, but attacked him and was defeated. 

lit seems probable that a few words have fallen out of the original 
narrative at this point. Such is the opinion of both Dindorf and Hoelzl, 



^- ^-^l. After that lie liad to retire to Asia, since lie was no 

(o. «. 707) . ' 

match for his conqueror, and winter was approaching. 
Phamaces, greatly elated, joined to his cause nearly- 
all of Pontus, captured Amisus, though it held out 
against him a long time, plundered the city and put 
to the sword all the young men in it. He then has- 
tened into Bithynia and Asia with the same hopes 
as his father had harbored. Meanwhile, learning that 
Asander whom he had left as governor of the Bos- 
porus had revolted, he no longer advanced any far- 
ther. For Asander, as soon as the advance of 
Phamaces to a point distant from his own position 
was reported to him and it seemed likely that even 
if he should temporarily escape his observation with 
the greatest success, he would still not get out of it 
well later, rose against him, so as to do a favor to the 
Romans and to receive the government of the Bos- 
— 47— poms from them. This was the news on hearing 
which Phamaces started against him, but the venture 
was in vain. For on ascertaining that Caesar was on 
the way and was huirying into Armenia Phamaces 
turned back and met him there near Zela. Now that 
Ptolemy was dead and Domitius vanquished Caesar 
had decided that delay in Egypt was neither fitting 
nor profitable for him, but set out from there and by 
using great speed reached Armenia. The barbarian, 
alarmed and fearing his quickness much more than 
his army, sent messengers to him before he drew near, 
making frequent propositions to see if in any way on 
any terms he could compromise the existing situation 



and escape. One of the principal pleas that he pre- ,^',f'707) 
sented was that he had not cooperated with Pompey, 
and by this he hoped that he might induce the Roman 
general to grant a truce, particularly since the latter 
was anxious to hasten to Italy and Africa; and once 
he was gone he, Phamaces, could easily wage war 
again. Csesar suspected this, and the first and second 
sets of envoys he treated with great kindness in order 
that he might fall upon the foe in a state quite un- 
guarded, through hopes of peace : when the third depu- 
tation came he began to reproach him, one of his 
grounds of censure being that he had deserted Pom- 
pey, his benefactor. Then without delay, that very 
day and just as he was, Caesar marched forward and 
attacked him as soon as he came up to him ; for a little 
while some confusion was caused by the cavalry and 
the scythe-bearing chariots, but after that he con- 
quered the Asiatics with his heavy-armed soldiers. 
Phamaces escaped to the sea and later forced his way 
into Bosporus, where Asander shut him up and killed 

Caesar took great pride in the victory, — more, in- —48 — 
deed, than in any other, in spite of the fact that it 
had not been very glorious, — because on the same day 
and at one and the same hour he had come to the 
enemy, had seen him, and had conquered him. All 
the spoils, though of great magnitude, he bestowed 
upon the soldiers, and he set up a trophy to offset one 
which Mithridates had raised to commemorate the 
defeat of Triarius.^ He did not dare to take down 
that of the barbarians because it had been dedicated 

1 Compare Book Thirty-six, chapters 12 and 13. 



B. c. 47 to the eods of war, but by the erection of his owb he 

(a. u. 707) ° ' . 1 1- 1 J .1 

overshadowed and to a certain extent demohshed the 
other. Next he gained possession of all the region 
belonging to the Romans and those bound to them by 
oath which Pharnaces had ravaged, and restored it to 
the individuals who had been dispossessed, except a 
portion of Armenia, which he granted to Ariobarzanes. 
The people of Amisus he rewarded with freedom, and 
to Mithridates the Pergamenian he gave a tetrarchy 
in Galatia with the name of kingdom and allowed him 
to wage war against Asander, so that by conquering 
him, because he had proved base toward his friend, 
Mithridates might get Bosporus also. 
— 49— After accomplishing this and bidding Domitius 
arrange the rest he came to Bithynia and from there 
to Greece, whence he sailed for Italy, collecting all 
the way great sums of money from everybody, and 
upon every pretext, just as before. On the one hand 
he levied all that individuals had promised in advance 
to Pompey, and on the other he asked for stUl more 
from outside sources, bringing some accusation against 
the places to justify his act. All votive offerings of 
Heracles at Tyre he removed, because the people had 
received the wife and child of Pompey when they 
were fleeing. Many golden crowns, also, commemo- 
rative of victories, he took from potentates and kings. 
This he did not out of malice but because his expen- 
ditures were on a vast scale and because he was in- 
tending to lay out still more upon his legions, his tri- 
umph, and everything else that could add to his 



"brilliance. Briefly, he showed himself a money-getter, B- c. 47 

(a. u. 707) 

declaring that there were two things which created 
and protected and augmented sovereignties, — soldiers 
and money; and that these two were dependent upon 
each other. By proper support armies were kept to- 
gether, and this support was gathered hy the use of 
arms : and if either the one or the other were lacking, 
the second of them would be overthrown at the same 

These were ever his ideas and this his talk upon such — 60 — 
matters. Now it was to Italy he hurried and not to 
Africa, although the latter region had been made 
hostile to him, because he learned of the disturbances 
in the City and feared that they might get beyond his 
control. However, as I said, he did no harm to any 
one^ except that there too he gathered large sums of 
money, partly in the shape of crowns and statues and 
the like which he received as gifts, and partly by bor- 
rowing not only from individual citizens hut also from 
cities. This name (of borrowing) he applied to levies 
of money for which there was no other reasonable ex- 
cuse; his exactions from his creditors were none the 
less unjustified and acts of violence, since he never 
intended to pay these loans. What he said was that 
he had spent his private possessions for the public 
good and it was for that reason he was borrowing. 
[Wherefore, when the multitude demanded that there 
should be an annulment of debts, he would not do it, 
saying: " I too am heavily involved." He was easily 
seen to be wresting away the property of others by 



B. c. 47 his position of supremacy, and for this his companions 
as well as others disliked him. These men had bought 
considerable of the confiscated property, in some cases 
for more than its real value, ia the hope of retaining 
it free of charge, but foimd themselves compelled to 
pay the full price. 

— 51— To such persons he paid no attention. However, 
to a certain esxtent he did court the favor of the people 
as individuals. To the majority he allowed the inter- 
est they were owing, an act by which he had iacurred 
the enmity of Pompey, and he released them from all 
rent for one year, up to the sum of five hundred 
denarii; furthermore he raised the valuations on 
goods in which it was allowable according to law for 
loans to be paid to their value at the time of payment, 
and this after having considerably lowered the price 
for the populace on all confiscated property. By these 
acts he gained the attachment of the people; and he 
won the affection of the members of his party and 
those who had fought for him also. For upon the 
senators he bestowed priesthoods and offices, — some 
which lasted for the rest of that year and some which 
extended to the following season. In order to reward 
a larger number he appointed ten praetors for the 
next year and more than the customary number of 
priests. To the pontifices and the augurs, of whom 
he was one, and to the so-called Fifteen he added 
one each, although he really wished to take all the 
priesthoods himself, as had been decreed. To the 
knights in his army and to the centurions and subordi- 



nate officers lie gave among other rights the importaat b. c. 47 
privilege of choosing some of their own number for 
the senate to fiU the places of those who had perished, 

The unrest of the troops, however, made trouble for — 58 — 
him. They had expected to obtain great things, and 
finding their rewards not less, to-be sure, than their 
deserts, but inferior to their expectations, they raised 
an outcry. The most of them were in Campania, be- 
ing destined to sail on ahead to Africa. These nearly 
killed Sallust, who had been appointed praetor so as 
to recover his senatorial office, and when escaping them 
he set out for Eome to lay before Caesar what was being 
done, a number followed him, sparing no one on their 
way, and killed among others whom they met two sen- 
ators. Caesar as soon as he heard of their approach 
wished to send his guard against them, but fearing 
that it too might join the uprising he remained quiet 
until they reached the suburbs. While they waited 
there he sent to them and enquired what wish or what 
need had brought them. Upon their replying that they 
would tell him face to face he allowed them to enter 
the city unarmed, save as to their swords; these they 
were regularly accustomed to wear in the city, and 
they would not have submitted to laying them aside at 
this time. They insisted a great deal upon the toils _63_ 
and dangers they had undergone and said a great deal 
about what they had hoped and what they declared they 
deserved to obtain. Next they asked to be released 
from service and were very clamorous on this point, 
not because they wished to return to private life, — 



^- ^-J^l. they were far from anxious for this since they had 

{a. u. 707) "' •' 

long become accustomed to the gains from warfare — 
but because they thought they would scare Caesar in 
this way and accomplish anything whatever, since his 
projected invasion of Africa was close at hand. He, 
however, made no reply at all to their earlier state- 
ments, but said merely: " Quirites,^ what you say is 
right: you are weary and worn out with wounds," and 
then at once disbanded them all as if he had no further 
need of them, promising that he woidd give the rewards 
in full to such as had served the appointed time. At 
these words they were struck with alarm both at his 
attitude in general and because he had called them 
Quirites and not soldiers; and humiliated^ in fear of 
suffering some calamity, they changed their stand, and 
addressed him with many entreaties and offers, prom- 
ising that they would join his expedition as volunteers 
and would carry the war through for him by them- 
selves. When they had reached this stage and one of 
their leaders also, either on his own impulse or as a 
favor to Caesar, had said a few words and presented a 
few petitions in their behalf, the dictator answered: 
" I release both you who are here present and all the 
rest whose years of service have expired. I really 
have no further need of you. Yet even so I will pay 
you the rewards, that no one may say that I after using 
you in dangers later showed myself ungrateful, even 
though you were unwilling to join my campaign while 
perfectly strong in body and able in other respects to 

1 /. e., " Citizens." 



prosecute a war." This lie said for effect, for they ~^^~Z 
"were quite indispensable to him. He then assigned (»• «• 707) 
them all land from the public holdings and from his 
own, settling them in different places, and separating 
them considerable distances from one another, to the 
end that they should not inspire their neighbors with 
terror nor (dwelling apart) be ready for insurrection. 
Of the money that was owing them, large amounts of 
which he had promised to give them at practically every 
levy, he offered to discharge a part immediately and to 
supply the remainder with interest in the near future. 
When he had said this and so enthralled them that they 
showed no sign of boldness but expressed their grati- 
tude, he added : ' ' You have all that is due you from 
me, and I will compel no one of you to endure cam- 
paigns any longer. If, however, any one wishes of his 
own accord to help me subjugate what remains, I wUl 
gladly receive him." Hearing this they were over- 
joyed, and all alike were anxious to join the new expe- 
dition. Caesar put aside the turbulent spirits among _55_ 
them, not all, but as many as were moderately well 
acquainted with farming and so could make a living, — 
and the rest he used. This he did also in the case of 
the rest of his soldiers. Those who were overbold and 
able to cause some great evil he took away from Italy 
in order that they might not raise an insurrection by 
being left behind there ; and in Africa he was glad to 
employ different men on different pretexts, for while 
he was making away with his opponents through their 
work, he at the same time got rid of them. Though he 
VOL. 2.-23 353 


^- ^- *I> was the kindliest of men and most frequently did favors 

{a. M. 707) -L J 

of various sorts for his soldiers and others, he bitterly 
hated those given to uprisings and punished them with 
extreme severity. 

This he did in that year in which he ruled as dictator 
really for the second time and the consuls were said 
to be Calenus and Vatinius, appointed near the close 
— 56— of the season. He next crossed over into Africa^ al- 
though winter had set in. And he had no little success 
when, somewhat later, he made an unlocked for attack 
on his opponents. On all occasions he accomplished a 
great deal by his rapidity and the unexpectedness of his 
expeditions, so that if any one should try to study out 
what it was that made him so superior to his contem- 
poraries in warfare, he would find by careful compari- 
son that there was nothing more striking than these two 
characteristics. Africa had not been friendly to Caesar 
formerly, but after Curio's death it became entirely 
hostile. Affairs were in the hands of Varus and Juba, 
and furthermore Cato, Scipio, and their followers had 
taken refuge there simultaneously, as I have stated. 
After this they made common cause in the war, trained 
the land forces, and making descents by sea upon Sicily 
and Sardinia they harassed the cities and brought back 
ships from which they obtained^ arms and iron besides, 
which alone they lacked. Finally they reached such a 
condition of readiness and disposition that, as no army 
opposed them and Caesar delayed in Egypt and the capi- 
tal, they despatched Pompey to Spain. On learning 

iXylander and Leunclavius supply this necessary word, lacking in 
the MS. 


— 57- 


that the peninsula was in revolt they thought that the ^- ^-.f^. 
people would readily receive him as being the son of 
Pompey the Great; and while he made preparations to 
occupy Spain in a short time and set out from there to 
the capital, the others were getting ready to make the 
voyage to Italy. At the start they experienced a slight 
delay, due to a dispute between Varus and Scipio about 
the leadership because the former had held sway for a 
longer time in these regions, and also Juba, elated by 
his victory, demanded that he should have first place. 
But Scipio and Cato reached an agreement, as being 
far in advance of them all, the former in esteem, the 
latter in understanding, and won over the rest, per- 
suading them to entrust everything to Scipio. Cato, 
who might have led the forces on equal terms with him 
or even alone, refused, first because he thought it a 
most injurious course in the actual state of affairs, and 
second, because he was inferior to the other in political 
renown. For he saw that in military matters the prin- 
ciple of preference to ex-magistrates as a matter of 
course had especial force, and therefore he willingly 
yielded bini the command and furthermore delivered to 
him the troops that he had brought there. After this 
Cato made a request for Utica, which was suspected of 
favoring Caesar's cause and had come near havmg its 
citizens removed by the others on this account, and he 
received it to guard; and the whole country and sea 
in that vicinity was entrusted to his garrisons. The 
rest Scipio commanded as dictator. His very name was 
a source of strength to those who sided with him^ since 
by some strange, unreasonable hope they believed that 
no Scipio could meet with misfortune in Africa. 



T^^t; Caesar, when he learned this and saw that his own 

B. C. 47 

(a. «. 707) soldiers also were persuaded that it was so and were 
consequently afraid, took with him. as an aid a man of 
the family of the Scipios who bore that name (he was 
otherwise known as Salvito^) and then made the voy- 
age to Adrymetum, since the neighborhood of Utica 
was strictly guarded. His unexpected crossing in the 
winter enabled him to escape detection. When he had 
left his ship an accident happened to him which, even 
if some disaster was portended by Heaven, he neverthe- 
less turned to a good omen. Just as he was setting 
foot on land he slipped, and the soldiers seeing him fall 
on his face were disheartened and in their chagrin 
raised an outcry; but he never lost his presence of 
mind, and stretching out his hands as if he had fallen 
on purpose he embraced and kissed repeatedly the land, 
and cried with a shout : "I have thee, Africa ! ' ' His 
next move was an assault upon Adrymetum, from 
which he was repulsed and moreover driven violently 
out of his camp. Then he transferred his position to 
another city called Ruspina, and being received by the 
inhabitants set up his winter quarters there and made 
it the base for subsequent warfare. 

1 Compare Plutarch, Life of Csesar, chapter 52, and Suetonius, Life 
of Csesar, chapter 59. 






The following is contained in the Forty- third of Dio's Rome: 

How Caesar conquered Scipio and Juba (chapters 1-8), 

How the Romans got possession of Numidia (chapter 9). 

How Cato slew himself (chapters 10-13). 

How Csesar returned to Rome and celebrated his triumph 
and settled what business remained (chapters 14-21). 

How the Forum of Csesar and the Temple of Venus were 
consecrated (chapters 22-25). 

How Csesar arranged the year in its present fashion, 
(chapters 26, 27). 

How Csesar conquered in Spain Gnseus Pompey the son 
of Pompey (chapters 28-45). 

How for the first time consuls were appointed for not an 
entire year (chapters 46-48). 

How Carthage and Corinth received colonies (chapters 
49, 50). 

How the -^diles Cereales were appointed (chapter 51). 

Duration of time, three years, in which there were the following 
magistrates here enumerated. 

C. lulius C. F. Caesar, Dictator (III), with iEmilius 
Lepidus, Master of Horse, and Consul (III) with ^milius 
Lepidus Cos. (B. C. 46 = a. u. 708.) 

0. lulius Csesar, Dictator (IV), with .^milius Lepidus, 
Master of Horse; also Consul (IV) alone. (B. C. 45 = 
a. u. 709.) 

C. lulius Csesar, Dictator (V), with -^milius Lepidus, 
Master of Horse, and Consul (V) with M. Antonius Cos. 
(B. C. 44 = a. u. 710.) 



Such were his adventures at this time. The follow- ~ l — 
ing year he became both dictator and consul at the (a.'u■^m) 
same time (it was the third occasion on which he had 
filled each of the two offices), and Lepidus became his 
colleague in both instances. When he had been named 
dictator by Lepidus the first time, he had sent him im- 
mediately after the praetorship into Hither Spain ; and 
when he returned he had honored him with triumphal 
celebrations though Lepidus had conquered no foes nor 
so much as fought with any, — the excuse being that he 
had been at the scene of the exploits of Longinus and 
of Marcellus. Yet he sent home nothing (if you want 
the facts) except what money he had plundered from 
the allies. Caesar besides exalting Lepidus with these 
honors chose him subsequently as his colleague in both 
the positions mentioned. 

Now while they were still in office, the populace of — 2 — 
Eome became excited by prodigies. There was a wolf 
seen in the city, and a pig that save for its feet re- 
sembled an elephant was brought forth. In Africa, too, 
Petreius and Labienus who had observed that Caesar 
had gone out to vUlages after grain, by means of the 
Nomads drove his cavalry, that had not yet thoroughly 
recovered strength from its sea-voyage, in upon the 
infantry; and while as a result the force was in utter 
confusion, they killed many of the soldiers at close 
quarters. They would have cut down all the rest be- 
sides, who had crowded together on a bit of high 



ground, had they not been severely wounded. Even 
as it "Was, by this deed they alarmed Caesar considera- 
bly. When he stopped to consider how he had been 
tripped by a few, while expecting, too, that Scipio and 
Juba would arrive directly with all their powers, as 
they had been reported, he was decidedly in a dilemma, 
and did not know what course to adopt. He was not yet 
able to bring the war to a satisfactory conclusion; he 
saw, furthermore, that to stay in the same place was 
difficult because of the lack of subsistence even if the 
foe should keep away from his troops, and that to re- 
tire was impossible, with the enemy pressing upon him 
both by land and by sea. Consequently he was in a 
state of dejection. 
_3_ He was stUl in this situation when one Publius Sit- 
tius (if we ought to call it him, and not the Divine 
Power) brought at one stroke salvation and victory. 
This man had been exiled from Italy, and had taken 
along some fellow-exiles : after crossing over into Mau- 
ritania he collected a band and was general under Boc- 
chus. Though he had no benefit from Caesar to start 
with, and although in general he was not known to him, 
he undertook to share in the war and to help him to 
overcome the existing difficulty. Accordingly he bore 
no direct aid to Caesar himself, for he heard that the 
latter was at a distance and thought that his own assist- 
ance (for he had no large body of troops) would prove 
of small value to him. It was Juba whom he watched 
start out on his expedition, and then he invaded Numi- 
dia, which along with Gaetulia (likewise a part of 



Juba's dominion) he harried so completely that the ^- ^-J^, 
king gave up the project before him and turned back in 
the midst of his journey with most of his army; some 
of it he had sent off to Scipio. This fact made it as 
evident as one could wish that if Juba had also come 
up, Caesar would never have withstood the two. He did 
not so much as venture to join issue with Scipio alone' 
at once, because he stood in terrible dread of the ele- 
phants (among other things), partly on account of their 
fighting abilities, but stUl more because they were for- 
ever throwing his cavalry into confusion. Therefore, — 4— 
while keeping as strict a watch over the camp as he 
could, CsBsar sent to Italy for soldiers and elephants. 
He did not count on the latter for any considerable mili- 
tary achievement (since there were not many of them) 
but intended that the horses, by becoming accustomed 
to the sight and sound of them, should learn for the fu- 
ture not to fear at all those belonging to the enemy. 

Meanwhile, also, the Gaetulians came over to his side, 
with some others of the neighboring tribes. The lat- 
ter 's reasons for this step were, first, — the persuasion 
of the Gaetuli, who, they heard, had been greatly hon- 
ored, and second, the fact that they remembered Ma- 
rius, who was a relative of Caesar. "When this had 
occurred, and his auxiliaries from Italy in spite of de- 
lay and danger caused by bad weather and hostile 
agents had nevertheless accomplished the passage, he 
did not rest a moment. On the contrary he was eager 
for the conflict, looking to annihilate Scipio in advance 
of Juba's arrival, and moved forward against him in 



B. c. 46 the direction of a city called Uzitta, where lie took up 
his quarters on a certain crest overlooking both the 
city and the enemy's camp, having first dislodged those 
who were holding it. Soon after this he chased Scipio, 
who had attacked him, away from this higher ground, 
and by charging down behind him with his cavalry did 
some damage. 

This position accordingly he held and fortified ; and 
he took another on the other side of the city by dis- 
lodging Labienus from it ; after which he walled off the 
entire town. For Scipio, fearing lest his own power 
be spent too soon, would no longer risk a battle with 
Caesar, but sent for Juba. And when the latter repeat- 
edly failed to obey his summons he (Scipio) promised 
to relinquish to him all the rights that the Eomans had 
in Africa. At that, Juba appointed others to have 
charge of the operations against Sittius, and once more 
started out himself against Caesar. 

— 5 — While this was going on Caesar tried in every way to 
draw Scipio into close quarters. Baffled in this, he 
made friendly overtures to the latter 's soldiers, and 
distributed among them brief pamphlets, in which he 
promised to the native that he would preserve his 
possessions unharmed, and to the Roman that he would 
grant immunity and the honors which he owed to his 
own followers, Scipio in like manner undertook to 
circulate both offers and pamphlets among the op- 
posite party, with a view to making some of them his 
own : however, he was unable to induce any of them to 
change sides. Not that some of them would not have 



chosen Ms cause by preference, if any announcement ^- ^- *^ 
similar to Caesar's had been made: their failure to do 
so was due to the fact that he promised them nothing 
in the way of a prize, but merely urged them to liberate 
the Eoman people and the senate. And so, inasmuch 
as he chose a respectable proposition instead of some- 
thing which would advantage them in the needs of the 
moment, he failed to gain the allegiance of a single 

While Scipio alone was in the camp, matters pro- — 6 — 
gressed as just described, but when Juba also came 
up, the scene was changed. For these two both tried to 
provoke their opponents to battle and harassed them 
when they showed unwillingness to contend ; moreover 
by their cavalry they kept iaflicting serious damage 
upon any who were scattered at a distance. But Caesar 
was not for getting into close quarters with them if 
he could help it. He stuck to his circumvallation, kept 
seizing provender as was convenient, and sent after 
other forces from home. When at last these reached 
him with much difficulty — (for they were not all to- 
gether, but kept gathering gradually, since they lacked 
boats in which to cross in a body) — still, when in the 
course of time they did reach him and he had added 
them to his army, he took courage again; so much so, 
that he led out against the foe, and drew up his men in 
front of the trenches. Seeing this his opponents mar- 
shaled themselves in turn, but did not join issue with 
Caesar's troops. This continued for several days. For 
aside from cavalry skirmishes of limited extent after 



B. c. 46 which they would invariably retire, neither side risked 

(a. u. 708) '' 

any important movement. 

— 7— Accordingly Csesar, who bethought himself that be- 

cause of the nature of the land he could not force them 
to come into close quarters unless they chose, started 
toward Thapsus, in order that either they might come 
to the help of the city and so engage his forces, or, if 
they neglected it, he might capture the place. Now 
Thapsus is situated on a kind of peninsula, with the 
sea on one side and a marsh stretching along on the 
other : between them lies a narrow, swampy isthmus so 
that one has access to the town from two directions by 
an extremely narrow road running along both sides of 
the marsh close to the surf. On his way toward this city 
Csesar, when he had come within these narrow ap- 
proaches, proceeded to dig ditches and to erect pali- 
sades. And the others made no trouble for him (for 
they were not his match), but Scipio and Juba under- 
took to wall off in turn the neck of the isthmus, where 
it comes to an end near the mainland, dividing it into 
two portions by means of palisades and ditches. 

— 8— They were still at work, and accomplishing a great 

deal every day (for in order that they might buUd the 
wall across more quickly they had assigned the ele- 
phants to that portion along which a ditch had not yet 
been dug and on that account was somewhat accessible 
to the enemy, while on the remaining defences all were 
working), when Caesar suddenly attacked the others, 
the followers of Scipio, and with slings and arrows 
from a distance threw the elephants into thorough con- 



fusion. As they retreated he not only followed them .^'^'^jH^ 
up, but unexpectedly reaching the workers he routed 
them, too. When they fled into the redoubt, he dashed 
in with them and captured it without a blow. 

Juba, seeing this, was so startled and terrified, that 
he ventured neither to come iato close quarters with 
any one, nor even to keep the camp properly guarded, 
but fled incontinently homeward. So then, when no 
one would receive him, chiefly because Sittius had con- 
quered all antagonists beforehand, he renounced all 
chances of safety, and with Petreius, who likewise had 
no hope of amnesty, in single conflict fought and died. 

Caesar, immediately after Juba's flight, captured the _9_ 
palisade and wrought a vast slaughter among all 
those that met his troops : he spared not even those 
who would change to his side. Next, meeting with no 
opposition, he brought the rest of the cities to terms; 
the Nomads whom he acquired he reduced to a state of 
submission, and delivered to Sallust nominally to rule, 
but really to harry and plunder. This officer certainly 
did receive many bribes and make many confiscations, 
so that accusations were even preferred and he bore 
the stigma of the deepest disgrace, inasmuch as after 
writing such treatises as he had, and making many bit- 
ter remarks about those who enjoyed the fruits of 
others' labor, he did not practice what he preached. 
Wherefore, no matter how full permission was given 
bim by CsBsar, yet in his History the man himself had 
chiseled his own code of principles deep, as upon a 



, ^" ^\t^. Such was the course which events took. Now as for 

(a. u. 70«) 

these tribes in Libya, the region surrounding Carthage 
(which we call also Africa) received the title of Old, be- 
cause it had been long ago subjugated, whereas the 
region of the Nomads was called New, because it had 
been newly captured. Scipio, who had fled from the 
battle, chancing upon a boat set sail for Spain and 
Pompey. He was cast ashore, however, upon Mauri- 
tania, and through fear of Sittius made way with 
— 10— Cato, since many had sought refuge with him, was 
at first preparing to take a hand in affairs and to offer 
a certain amount of resistance to Caesar. But the men 
of Utica were not in the beginning hostile to Caesar, and 
now, seeing him victorious, would not listen to Cato. 
This made the members of the senate and the knights 
who were present afraid of arrest at their hands, and 
they took counsel for flight. Cato himself decided 
neither to war against Caesar — indeed, he lacked the 
power, — nor to give himself up. This was not through 
any fear : he understood well enough that Caesar would 
have been very ready to spare him for the sake of that 
reputation for humaneness : but it was because he was 
passionately in love with freedom, and would not brook 
defeat in aught at the hands of any man^ and regarded 
pity emanating from Caesar as more hateful than death. 
He called together those of the citizens who were 
present, enquired whither each one of them had de- 
termined to proceed, sent them forth with supplies for 
the journey, and bade his son betake himself to Caesar. 



To tlie youth's interrogation, " "Why then do you also .^- *^vlg> 
not do so? " he replied: — " I, brought up in freedom, 
with the right of free speech, can not in my old age 
change and learn slavery instead; but you, who were 
both born and brought up under such a regime, you 
ought to serve the deity that presides over your 

When he had done this, after sending to the people — ii — 
of Utica an account of his administration and return- 
ing to them the surplus funds, as well as whatever else 
of theirs he had, he was filled with a desire to depart 
previous to Caesar's arrival. He did not undertake 
any such project by day (for his son and others sur- 
rounding him kept him under surveillance), but when 
evening was come he slipped a tiny dagger secretly 
under his pUlow, and asked for Plato's book on the 
Soul,^ which he had written out. This he did either 
endeavoring to divert the company from the suspicion 
that he had any sinister plan in mind, in order to ren- 
der himself as free from scrutiny as possible, or else 
in the wish to obtain some little consolation in respect 
to d^.th from the reading of it. When he had read 
the work through, as it drew on toward midnight, he 
stealthily drew out the dagger, and smote himself upon 
the belly. He would have immediately died from loss 
of blood, had he not by falling from the low couch 
made a noise and aroused those sleeping ia the ante- 
chamber. Thereupon his son and some others who 
rushed in duly put back his bowels into his belly again, 

1 Better known as the Phcedo. 



B. c. 48 and brought medical attendance for him. Then they 
took away the dagger and locked the doors, that ha 
might obtain, sleep, — for they had no idea of his per- 
ishing in any other way. But he, having thrust his 
hands into the woimd and broken the stitches of it, 

Thus Cato, who had proved himself both the most 
democratic and the strongest willed of his contempo- 
raries acquired a great glory even from his very death, 
so that he obtained the commemorative title " of 
Utica," both because he had died, as described, in 
that city, and because he was publicly buried by the 

— 12 — people. Caesar declared that with him he was angry, 
because Cato had grudged him the distinction attach- 
ing to the preservation of such a man, but released his 
son and most of the rest, as was his custom: for some 
came over to him immediately of their own volition, 
and others later, so as to approach him after time 
should have somewhat blurred his memory. So these 
escaped, but Afranius and Faustus would not come 
to him of their own free will, for they felt sure of de- 
struction. They fled to Mauritania, where they were 
captured by Sittius. Caesar put them to death with- 
out a trial, on the ground that they were captives for 
a second time.^ And in the case of Lucius Caesar, 

1 The Greek word representing " for a second time " is not in the 
MS., but is supplied with the best of reason by Schenkl and also Cobet 
(see Mnemosyne N. S. X, p. 196). It was Csesar's regular custom' to 
spare any who were taken captive for the first time, but invariably 
to put them to death if they were again caught opposing him in arms. 
References in Dio are numerous: Compare Book 41, chapter 62; Book 
43, chapter 17; Book 44, chapter 45; Book 44, chapter 46. The same 
rule for the treatment of captives finds mention also in the Life of 
CsEsar by Suetonius, chapter 75. 


— 13 — 


though the man was related to him and came a volun- b. c. 46 

(a. u. I OS) 

tary suppliant, nevertheless, siace he had fought 
against him straight through, he at first bade him, 
stand trial so that the conqueror might seem to have 
some legal right on his side in condemning him : later 
Caesar shrank from killing him by his own votei, and 
put it off for the time, but afterward did slay him 
secretly. Even among his own followers those that 
did not suit him he sacrificed without compunction to 
the opposing side in some cases, and in others by pre^ 
arrangement caused them to perish in the actual con- 
flicts, through the agency of their own comrades, for, 
as I have said, he did not take measures openly against 
all those that had troubled him, but any that he could 
not prosecute on some substantial charge he quietly 
put out of the way in some obscure fashion. And yet 
at that time he burned without reading all the papers 
that were found in the private chests of Scipio, and of 
the men who had fought against him he preserved many 
for their own sakes, and many also on account of their 
friends. For, as has been said, he allowed each of his 
fellow-soldiers and companions to ask the life of one 
man. He would have preserved Cato, too. For he 
had conceived such an admiration for him that when 
Cicero subsequently wrote an encomium of Cato he 
was no whit vexed, — although Cicero had likewise 
warred against him,^ but merely wrote a short treat- 
ise which he entitled Anticato. 

Caesar after these events at once and before cross- — 14 
ing into Italy disencumbered himself of the more 
VOL. 2.-24 369 


B. c. 46 elderly among Ms soldiers for fear they might re- 

(o. u. 708) . . . 

volt again. He arranged the other matters in Africa 
just as rapidly as was feasible and sailed as far as 
Sardinia with all his fleet. From that point he sent 
the discarded troops in the company of Grains Didius 
into Spain against Pompey, and himself returned to 
Eome, priding himself chiefly upon the brilliance of his 
achievements but also to some extent upon the decrees 
of the senate. For they had decreed that offerings 
should be made for his victory during forty days, and 
they had granted him leave to celebrate the previously 
accorded triumph upon white horses and with such 
lictors as were then in his company, with as many oth- 
ers as he had employed in his first dictatorship, and 
all the rest, besides, that he had in his second. Fur- 
ther, they elected him superintendent of every man's 
conduct (for some such name was given him, as if the 
title of censor were not worthy of him), for three 
years, and dictator for ten in succession. They more- 
over voted that he should sit in the senate upon the 
sella curulis with the acting consuls, and should always 
state his opinion first, that he should give the signal 
in all the horse-races, and that he should have the 
appointment of the officers and whatever else formerly 
the people were accustomd to assign. And they re- 
solved that a representation of his chariot be set on 
the Capitol opposite Jupiter, that upon an image of 
the inhabited world a bronze figure of Caesar be 
mounted, holding a written statement to the effect that 
he was a demi-god, and that his name be inscribed upon 



the Capitol, in place of that of Catiilus, on the ground b. c. 46 
that he had finished the temple, in the course of the con- 
struction of which he had undertaken to call Catulus 
to account. These are the only measures I have re- 
corded, not because they were also the only ones voted, 
— for a vast number of things was proposed and of 
course ratified, — but because he disregarded the rest, 
whereas these he accepted. 

Now that they had been settled, he entered Eome, — 15 — 
where he saw that the inhabitants were afraid of his 
power and suspicious of his designs as a result of 
which they expected to suffer many terrible evils such 
as had takeiu place before. Seeing also that on this 
account excessive honors had been accorded him, 
through flattery but not through good-will, he began 
to encourage the Romans and to inspire them with 
hope by the following speech delivered in the senate: 

' ' Let none of you. Conscript Fathers, expect that I 
shall make any harsh proclamation or perform any 
cruel act merely because I have conquered and am able 
to say whatever I may please without being called to 
account, and to do with authority whatever I may 
choose. It is true that Marius and Cinna and Sulla and 
all the rest, so to speak, who ever subdued their adver- 
saries, in their initial undertakings said and did much 
that was humane, principally as a result of which they 
converted to their side some whose alliance, or at least 
whose refraining from hostilities, they enjoyed; and 
then after conquering and becoming masters of the 
ends they sought, they adopted a course of behavior 



B. c. 46 diametrically opposed to their former stand both, in' 
word and in deed. Let no one, however, for any such, 
reason assume that this same policy will be mine. I 
have not associated with you in former time under a 
disguise, possessing in reality some different nature, 
only to become emboldened in security now because 
that is possible : nor have I been so excited or beclouded 
by my great good fortune as to desire also to play 
the tyrant over you. Both of these afflictions, or 
rather the second, seems to have befallen those men' 
whom I mentioned. No, I am in nature the same 
sort of a man as you have always found me: — why 
should I go into details and become burdensome by 
a praise of self? — I should not think of treating For- 
tune so shabbily, but the more I have enjoyed her 
favors, the better wiU I use her in every respect. I 
have been anxious to secure so great power and to 
rise to such a height as to chastise all active foes and 
admonish all those disaffected for no other reason 
than that I might be able to play a brave part without 

— 16— danger, and to obtain prosperity with fame. It is 
not, besides, in general either noble or just for a man 
to be convicted of adopting that course for which he 
had rebuked those who differed from him in opinion: 
nor should I ever be satisfied to be compared with 
them through my imitation of their deeds, and to differ 
merely by the reputation of my complete victory. For 
who ought to benefit people more and more abund- 
antly than he who has the greatest power. Who 
ought to err less than he who is the strongest! Who 



should use the gifts of Heaven more sensibly than he /^■„^'708) 
who has received the greatest from that source? Who 
ought to handle present blessings more uprightly than 
he who has the most of them and is most afraid of 
their being lost? Good fortune, joined with temper- 
ance, continues : and authority, if it maintains moder- 
ation, preserves all that has been gained. Above all, 
as is seldom the case with those persons that succeed 
without virtue, they make it possible for rulers while 
alive to be loved unfeignedly, and when dead to re- 
ceive genuine praise. But the man who without re- 
straint absolutely applies his power to everything 
finds for himself neither real good-will nor certain 
safety, but though accorded a false flattery in public 
[is secretly cursed].^ For the whole world, besides 
those who associate with him most, both suspect and 
fear a ruler who is not master of his own authority. 

"Again, these words that I have spoken are no mere _ 17 — 
quibbles, and I have tried to make you understand that 
they have not fallen into my head for ostentation or 
by mere chance on the present occasion: on the con- 
trary, from the outset I realized that this course was 
both suitable and advantageous for me; that is why 
I both think and speak thus. Consequently you may 
be not only of good courage with reference to the 
present, but hopeful as regards the future, reflecting 
(if you think I used any pretence), that I would not 
be deferring my projects, but would have made them 
known this very day. 

1 The last three words of this sentence are not found in the MS., but 
as a correlative clause of contrast is evidently needed to complete the 
sense, thi&, or something similar, is supplied by most editors. 



B. c. 46 <' However, I was never otherwise minded in times 

{a. u. 708) ' 

past, as my works themselves, indeed, doubtless prove, 
and now I shall feel far more eagerness with aU order 


and decency not, — forbid it, Jupiter! — not to be your 
master, but your head man, not your tyrant, but your 
leader. In the matter of accomplishing for you 
everything else that must be done, I will be both consul 
and dictator, but in the matter of injuring any one, a 
private citizen. That possibility I do not think should 
be even mentioned. Why should I put any one of 
you to death, who have done me no harm, when I 
destroyed none of my adversaries, even if with the 
utmost zeal they had taken^ part with various enemies 
against me, but I took pity on all those that had with- 
stood me but once, saving many alive of those that 
fought on the opposing side a second time? How should 
I bear malice toward any, seeing that without reading 
or making excerpts I immediately burned all the docu- 
ments that were foimd among the private papers both 
in Pompey's and in Scipio's tents? So then, let us, 
Conscript Fathers, boldly unite our interests, forget- 
ting all past events as brought to pass simply by some 
supernatural Force, and beginning to love each the 
other without suspicion as though we were some new 
citizens. In this way you may behave yourselves 
toward me as toward a father, enjoying the fore- 
thought and solicitude which I shall give you and 
fearing no vexation, and I may have charge of you as 
of children, praying that aU noblest deeds may be ever 
accomplished by your exertions, and enduring perforce 

1 Reading auvrjpavro with Bekker and Reiske in place of MS. itpoa-j- 



human limitations, exalting the excellent by fitting hon- ^- c. 46 
ors and correcting the rest so far as is feasible. 

"Another point — do not fear the soldiers nor re- — is — 
gard them in any other light than as guardians of my 
dominion, which is at the same time yours : that they 
should be maintained is inevitable, for many reasons, 
but they will be maintained for your benefit, not against 
you ; they will be content with what is given them and 
think well of the givers. For this reason larger taxes 
than is customary have been levied, in order that the 
opposition might be made submissive and the victorious 
element, receiving sufficient support, might not become 
an opposition. Of course I have received no private 
gain from these funds, seeing that I have expended 
for you all that I possessed, including much that I 
had borrowed. No, you can see that a part has been 
expended on the wars, and the rest has been kept safe 
for you: it will serve to adorn the city and admin- 
ister the other governmental departments. I have, 
then, taken upon my own shoulders the odium of the 
levy, whereas you will all enjoy its advantages in com- 
mon, in the campaigns as well as elsewhere. We are in 
need of arms at every moment, since without them it 
is impossible for us, who inhabit so great a city and 
hold so extensive an empire, to live safely: now the 
surplus of money will be a mighty assistance in this 
matter. However, let none of you suspect that I shall 
harass any man who is rich or establish any new taxes : 
I shall be satisfied with the present collections and be 
more anxious to help make some contribution to you 
than to wrong any one for his money. ' ' 



B. c. 46 By such statements in the senate and afterward 

(o. M. 708) '' 

before the people Caesar relieved them to some extent 
of their fears, but was not able to persuade them en- 
tirely to be of good courage until he corroborated his 
declarations by his deeds. 

— 10 — After this he conducted subsequent proceedings in 
a brilliant manner, as was fitting in honor of so many 
and such decisive victories. He celebrated triumphs 
over the Gauls, for Egypt, for Pharnaces and for 
Juba, in four sections, on four separate days. Most 
of it doubtless delighted the spectators, but the sight 
of Arsiuoe of Egypt — he had brought her along 
among the captives — and the horde of lictors and 
the symbols of triumph taken from citizens who had 
fallen in Africa displeased them exceedingly. The 
lictors, on account of their numbers, appeared to them 
a most outrageous multitude, since never before had 
they beheld so many at one time: and the sight of 
Arsiuoe, a woman and once called queen, in chains (a 
spectacle which had never yet been offered, in Eome 
at least), aroused very great pity, and in consequence 
on this excuse they incidentally lamented their personal 
misfortunes. She, to be sure, was released out of con- 
sideration for her brothers, but others including Ver- 
cingetorix were put to death. 

— 20 — The people, accordingly, were disagreeably affected 
by these sights that I have mentioned, and yet they 
deemed them very few considering the multitude of 
the captives and the magnitude of Caesar's accomplish- 
ments. This, as well as the fact that he endured very 




goodnaturedly the axmy's outspoken comments/ led b. c. 46 
them to admire him extremely. For they made sport " 
of those of their own number appointed to the senate by 
him and all the other failings of which he was ac- 
cused:^ most of all they jested about his love for Cleo- 
patra and his sojourn at the court of Nicomedes, ruler 
of Bithynia, inasmuch as he had once been at his court 
when a lad ; indeed, they even declared that Caesar 
had enslaved® the Gauls, but Nicomedes Caesar. Fin- 
ally, on the top of all the rest they all together with a 
shout declared that if you do well, you will be pun- 
ished, but if ill you shall rule.* This was meant by 
them to signify that if Caesar should restore self-gov- 

1 These blatherskite jests formed a part of the ritual of the triumph, 
for the purpose of averting the possible jealousy of Heaven. Compare, 
in general, the interesting description of a triumph given in Frag- 
ment 23 (volume VI). 

2 Reading ijTtoCcTo (Cobet's preference). 

sCsesar's conduct during his stay with Nicomedes (with embellish- 
ments) was thrown in his teeth repeatedly during his career. Accord- 
ing to Suetonius (Life of Caesar, chapter 49) the soldiers sang scur- 
rilous verses, as follows: 

Gallias Csesar subegit, Nicomedes Csesarem. / 

Ecce Csesar nunc triumphat qui subegit Gallias, / •'t 

Nicomedes non triumphat qui subegit Csesarem. ^^i #/^ 

Dio undoubtedly had these verses before him, in either Suetonius or A 4," * •.»^/W 
some other work, but seems to have been too slow-witted to appreciate jtt 1*^ ^^ 
the double entendre in subegit, which may signify voluptuary as well/^. */ /a 
as military prowess. Hence, though he might have turned the expres-^^llA^ 
sion exactly by birnydYeTo^ he contented himself with the prosaic t «- ^(PH 

iSooXwaaro. MaAtK^^'l*' 

*Thi8 remark (as Cobet pointed out) is evidently a perversion of **^^^ J 
an old nursery jingle (nenia) : 

Bi male faxis vapuldbig, si bene fateis rex eris. 

And another form of it is found in Horace, Epistles (I, 1, 59-60) : 

at pueri ludentes ' rex eris ' aiunt 

' si recte fades.' 



The soldiers simply changed the position of male and bene in the 
line above cited. 


B. c. 46 ermnent to the people — whioh they regarded as just 
— and stand trial for the acts he had committed out- 
side the laws, he would even imdergo pundshment; 
whereas, if he should cleave to his power, — which 
they deemed the course of an imjust person, — he 
would continue sole ruler. As for him, however, he 
was not displeased at their saying this: on the con- 
trary he was quite delighted that by such frankness 
toward him they showed a belief that he would never be 
angry at it, — except in so far as their abuse concerned 
his association with Nicomedes. At this he was de- 
cidedly irritated and evidently pained: he attempted 
to defend himself, denying with an oath that the case 
was such, and after that he incurred the further pen- 
alty of laughter. 

— 81 — Now on the first day of the festival of victory a por- 
tent far from good fell to his lot. The axle of the 
triumphal chariot was crushed just opposite the very 
temple of Fortune built by LucuUus, so that he had 
to complete the rest of the course in another. On this 
> occasion, too, he climbed up the stairs of the Capitol 
on his knees, without noticing at all either the chariot 
which he had dedicated to Jupiter, or the image of 
the inhabited world lying beneath his feet, or the in- 
scription upon it: later on, however, he erased from 
that inscription the name demi-god. 

After this triimiphal celebration he entertained the 
populace splendidly, giving them grain beyond the 
regular measure and olive oil. Also, to the multitude 
:which received the present of grain he assigned the 



seventy-five denarii which he had promised in ad- b. c. 46 

. (o. M. 708) 

vance, and twenty-five more, but to the soldiers five 
hundred in one sum. Yet he was not merely ostenta- 
tious : in most respects he was very exact ; for iastance, 
since the throng receiving doles of grain had for ai 
very long period been growing not by lawful methods 
of increase but in such ways as are common in popular 
tumults, he investigated the matter and erased half 
of their names at one time. 

The first days of the fete he passed as was custom- — 33 — 
ary: on the last day, after they had finished dinner, 
he entered his own forum wearing fancy sandals and 
garlanded with all sorts of flowers; thence he pro- 
ceeded homeward with the entire populace, so to speak, 
alongside escorting him, while many elephants car- 
ried torches. He had himself adorned the forum 
called after him, and it is distinctly more beautiful 
than the Eoman (Forum) ; yet it had increased the 
reputation of the other so that that was called the 
Great Forum. This forum which he had constructed 
and the temple of Venus, looked upon as the founder 
of his race, he dedicated at this very time. In honor 
of them he instituted many contests of all kinds. He 
furnished with benches a kind of hunting-theatre, 
which from the fact that it had seats all around with- 
out a canopy was called an amphitheatre. Here in 
honor of his daughter he had animals killed and con- 
tests between men in armor ; but whoever should care 
to write down their number would doubtless render 
his narrative tedious besides falling into errors; for 



B. c. 46 all sucli things are regularly eixaggerated by boast- 

(a. u. 708) 

ing. I shall accordingly pass over this, and be silent 
on the other ILke events that subsequently took place, 
— unless, of course, it should seem to me thoroughly 
— 23— necessary to mention some particular point, — but I 
will give an account of the so-called camelopard, be- 
cause it was then for the first time introduced into 
Rome by Caesar and exhibited to all. This animal is in 
general a camel, except that it has sets of legs not 
of equal length. That is, its hind legs are shorter. 
Beguming from the rump its back grows gradually 
higher, appearing as if it would ascend indefinitely, 
until the most of its body reaching its loftiest point 
is supported on the front legs, while the neck stretches 
up to an unusual height. It has skin spotted like a 
leopard, and for this reason bears the name common 
to both animals. Such is the appearance of this beast. 
As for the men, he not only pitted one against an- 
other in the Forum, as had been customary, but he also 
in the hippodrome brought them together in com- 
panies, horsemen against horsemen, fighters on foot 
against similar contestants, and others that were a 
match for one another indiscriminately. Some even, 
forty in number, fought from elephants. Finally he 
produced a naval battle, not on the sea nor on the 
lake but on land. He hollowed out a certain tract on 
the Campus Martins and by letting water into it in- 
troduced ships. In all the contests the captives and 
those condemned to death took part. Some even of 
the knights, and, — not to mention others, — a son of 



a man wlio had been prastor fought in single combat. B. c. 46 
Indeed, a senator named Fulvius Sepinus^ desired to 
contend in full armor, but was prevented; for Caesar 
had expressed a fervent wish that that should never 
take place, though he did permit the knights to con- 
tend. The patrician children went through the so- 
called Troy equestrian exercise according to ancient 
custom, and the young men who were their peers vied 
with one another in chariots. 

Still, it must be said he was blamed for the great —24 — 
number of those who were slain, on the ground that he 
had not himself become satiated with slaughter and was 
further exhibiting to the populace symbols of their 
own miseries; and much more so because he had ex- 
pended on all that array countless sums. A clamor in 
consequence was raised against him for two reasons, — 
that he had collected most of the funds unjustly, and 
that he had used them up for such purposes. 

And by mentioning one feature of his extravagance 
of that time I shall thereby give an inkling of all the 
rest. In order that the sun might not annoy any of 
the spectators he had curtains stretched over them 
made of silk, according to some accounts. Now this 
product of the loom is a device of barbarian luxury 
and from them has come down even to us to satisfy the 
excessive daintiness of veritable women. The civilians 
perforce held their peace at such acts, but the soldiers 
raised an outcry, not because they cared about the 
money recklessly squandered but because they did not 

iPosBibly, Boissevain thinks, this is a corruption for the Furius 
Leptinus mentioned by Suetonius, Life of Csesar, chapter 39. 



B- *'• ttv themselves get what was appropriated to those dis- 
plays. In fact they did not cease from confusion till 
CsBsar suddenly coming upon them with his own hand 
seized one man and delivered him up to punishment. 
This person was executed for the reasons stated, and 
two other men were slaughtered as a kind of piece of 
ritual. The true cause I am unable to state, inasmuch 
as the Sibyl made no utterance and there was no other 
similar oracle, but at any rate they were sacrificed in 
the Campus Martins by the pontifices and the priest of 
Mars, and their heads were set up near the palace. 

— 25 — While Caesar was thus engaged he was also enacting 
many laws, passiag over most of which I shall mention 
only those most deserving attention. The courts he 
entrusted to the senators and the knights alone so that 
the purest element of the population, so far as was pos- 
sible, might always preside : formerly some of the com- 
mon people had also joined with them in rendering deci- 
sions. The expenditures, moreover, of men of means 
which had been rendered enormous by their licentious- 
ness he not only controlled by law but put a strong 
check upon them by practical measures. There was, 
on account of the numbers of warriors that had per- 
ished, a dangerous scarcity of population, as was proved 
both from the censuses (which he attended tOj among 
other things, as if he were censor) and from actual 
observation, consequently he offered prizes for large 
families of children. Again, because he himself as a re- 
sult of ruling the Gauls many years in succession had 
been attracted into a desire for dominion and had by it 
increased the equipment of his force, he limited by law 
the term of ex-praetors to one year, and that of ex-con- 


— 26 — 


suls to two consecutive years, and enacted in general b. c. 46 

•' ' ° (a. u. 708) 

tnat no one should be allowed to hold any office for a 
longer time. 

After the passage of these laws he also established 
in their present fashion the days of the year (which 
were not definitely settled among the people, since even 
at that time they regulated their months according to 
the movements of the moon) by adding sixty-seven 
days, aU that were necessary to bring the year out even. 
In the past some have declared that even more were in- 
terpolated, but the truth is as I have stated it. He got 
this improvement from his stay in Alexandria, save in 
so far as those people calculate their months as of 
thirty days each, afterward annexing the five days to 
the entire year as a whole, whereas Caesar distributed 
among seven months these five along with two other 
days that he took away from one month.^ The one day, 
however, which is made up of four parts Caesar intro- 
duced every fourth year, so as to have the annual sea- 
sons no longer differ at all except in the slightest de- 
gree. In fourteen hundred and sixty-one years there is 
need of only one (additional) intercalary day.^ 

1 At present seven scattered months have thirty-one days. Csesar, 
when he took the Alexandrian month of thirty days as his standard, 
found the same discrepancy of five days as did the Egyptians. Besides 
these he lopped two more days off one particular month, then spread 
his remainder of seven through the year. 

21 follow in this sentence the reading of all the older texts as well 
as Boissevain's. Only Dindorf and Melber omit xai Tsrpaxoatoti, making 
the number of years 1061. The usual figuring, 1461, has pertinence: 
this number is just four times 365% and was recognized as an Egyptian 

As to the facts, however, Sturz points out (note 139 to Book 43) 
that after the elapse of fourteen hundred and sixty-one years eleven 
days must be subtracted instead of one day added. Pope Gregory 
XIII ascertained this when in A. D. 1582 he summoned Aloysius and 
Antonius Lilius to advise him in regard to the calendar, (BoissSe 
also refers here to Ideler, Mamtel de Ohronologie, II, 119flf.) 



— 37 — AH these and other undertakings which he was plan- 

B. C. 46 a J:- 

(a. u. 708) ning for the common weal he accomplished not by inde- 
pendent declaration nor by independent cogitation, but 
he communicated everything in every instance to the 
heads of the senate, sometimes even to the entire body. 
And to this practice most of all was due the fact that 
even when he passed some rather harsh measures, he 
still succeeded in pleasing them. For these actions he 
received praise; but inasmuch as he had some of the 
tribunes bring back many of those that stayed away 
from court, and allowed those who were convicted of 
bribery in office on actual proof to live in Italy, and 
furthermore numbered once more among the senate 
some who were not worthy of it, many murmurings of 
all sorts arose against him. Yet the greatest censure 
he incurred from all through his passion for Cleopatra, 
— not the passion he had displayed in Egypt (that was 
mere hearsay) , but in Eome itself. For she had come 
to the city with her husband and settled in Caesar's 
own house, so that he too derived an ill repute from 
both of them. It caused him no anxiety, however; on 
the contrary he enrolled them among the friends and 
allies of the Eoman people. 

_ 28 — Meanwhile he was learning in detail all that Pompey 
was doing in Spain. Thinking him not hard to van- 
quish, he at first despatched his fleet from Sardinia 
against him, but later sent on also the army that was 
available by list, evidently intending to conduct the en- 
tire war through his representatives. But when he 
ascertained that Pompey was progressing mightily and 


— 29 — 


that those sent were not sufficient to fight against him, , ^- c*. 46 

° ° ' (a. u. 708)^ 

he finally himself went out to join the expedition, en- 
trusting the city to Lepidus and certain sediles, — eight 
as some think, or six as is more commonly believed. 

The legions in Spain had rebelled during the period 
of command of Longinus and Marcellus and some of 
the cities had revolted; upon the removal of Longinus 
(Trebonius becoming his successor) they kept quiet for 
a few days : after that through fear of vengeance from 
Caesar they secretly sent ambassadors to Scipio ex- 
pressing a wish to transfer their allegiance. He de- 
spatched to them among others Gnseus Pompey. The 
latter being close to the Gymnasian^ islands took pos- 
session of them without a battle, save Ebusus : this one 
he brought over with difficulty, and then falling sick de- 
layed there together with his soldiers. As he was late 
in returning, the soldiers in Spain, who had learned 
that Scipio was dead and Didius had set sail against 
them, in their fear of being annihilated before Pompey 
came failed to wait for him ; but putting at their head 
Titus Quintius Scapula and Quintus Aponius, Roman 
knights, they drove out Trebonius and led the whole 
Bsetic nation to revolt at the same time. They had gone — 30 
thus far when Pompey, recovering from his illness, ar- 
rived by sea at the mainland opposite. He immediately 
won over several cities without resistance, for they 
were vexed at the commands of their rulers and besides 
had no little hope in him because of the memory of his 

1 The name of these islands is spelled both CrymnasicB and OymnesiiB, 
and they are also called Baleares and Pity uses. Cp. the end of IX, 10, 
in the transcript of Zonaras (Volume I). 

VOL. 2.-25 385 


B. c. 46 father: Carthage/ which was unwilling to come to 
terms, he besieged. The followers of Scapula on hear- 
ing this went there and chose him general with full 
powers, after which they adhered most closely to him 
and showed the most violent zeal, regarding his succes- 
ses as the successes of each individual and his disasters 
as their own. Consequently they were strong for both 
reasons, striving to obtain the successes and to avoid 
the disasters. 

For Pompey, too, did what all are accustomed to do 
in the midst of such tumults and revolutions and es- 
pecially after some of the AUobroges had deserted, 
whom Juba had taken alive in a war against Curio and 
had given him, there was nothing that he did not grant 
the rest both by word and deed. 

They accordingly became more zealous in his behalf, 
and a number of the opposing side, particularly all who 
had served under Afranius, came over to him. Then 
there were those who came to him from Africa^ among 
others his brother Sextus, and Varus, and Labienus 
with his fleet. Therefore, elated by the multitude of 
his army and their zeal he proceeded fearlessly through 
the country, gaining some cities of their own accord, 
some against their will, and seemed to surpass even his 

— 31— father in power. For though Caesar had generals ia 
Spain, — Quintus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Pedius, 
they did not think themselves a match for him, but re- 
mained quiet themselves, while they sent in haste for 
their chief. 

5 This is of course New Carthage (Karthago Nova), the Spanish 
colony of the African city. 



For a time matters went on so : but when a few of the , ^- ^-f^ . 

{a. u. 70S) 

men sent in advance from Rome had reached there, and 
Caesar's arrival was looked for, Pompey became fright- 
ened; and thinking that he was not strong enough to 
gaia the mastery of all Spain, he did not wait for a re- 
verse before changing his mind, but immediately, be- 
fore testing the temper of his adversaries, retired into 
Baetica. The sea, moreover, straightway became hostile 
to him, and Varus was beaten iu a naval battle near 
Carteia by Didius : indeed, had he not escaped to the 
land and sunk anchors side by side at the mouth of 
the harbor, upon which the foremost pursuers struck 
as on a reef, the whole fleet would have perished. All 
the country at that point except the city Ulia was an 
ally of Pompey 's : this town, which had refused to sub- 
mit to him, he proceeded to besiege. 

Meanwhile Caesar, too, with a few men suddenly came —33 — 
up unexpectedly not only to Pompey 's followers, but 
even to his own soldiers. He had employed such speed 
in the passage that he was seen both by his adherents 
and by his opponents before news was brought that he 
was actually in Spain. Now Caesar hoped from this 
very fact and his mere presence to alarm Pompey in 
general, and to draw him from the siege ; that was why 
most of the army had been left behind on the road. 

But Pompey, thinking that one man was not much 
superior to another and quite confident in his own 
strength, was not seriously startled at the other's ar- 
rival, but continued to besiege the city and kept making 
assaults just as before. Hence Caesar stationed there a 



,^' ^\tl. few soldiers from among tlie first-comers and himself 

(a. u. 708) ° 

started for Corduba, partly because he hoped to take 
it by treachery, but chiefly because he expected to at- 
tract Pompey through fear for it away from Ulia. And 
so it turned out. For at first Pompey left a portion of 
his army in position, went to Corduba and strengthened 
it, and as Caesar did not withstand his troops, put his 
brother Sextus in charge of it. However, he failed 
to accomplish anything at Ulia : on the contrary, when 
a certain tower had fallen, and that not shaken down 
by his own men but broken down by the crowd thdt was 
making a defence from it, some few who rushed in did 
not come off well; and Caesar approaching lent assist- 
ance secretly by night to the citizens, and himself again 
made an expedition against Corduba, putting it under 
siege in turn: then at last did Pompey withdraw en- 
tirely from Ulia and hastened to the other town with 
his entire army, — a movement not destitute of results. 
For Caesar, learning of this ia advance, had retired, as 
he happened to be sick. Afterward when he had recov- 
ered and had taken charge of the additional troops who 
accompanied him he was compelled to carry on warfare 
even in the winter. Housed in miserable little tents 
they were suffering distress and running short of food. 
Caesar was at that time serving as dictator, and some 
time late, near the dose of the war, he was appointed 
consul, when Lepidus, who was master of the horse, 
convoked the people for this purpose. He, Lepidus, 
had become master of the horse at that time, having 
given himself, while still in the consulship, that addi- 
tional title contrary to ancestral traditions. 


■ 33 — 


Csesar, accordingly, compelled as I have said to carry b. c. 46 
on warfare even in winter did not try to attack Corduba 
— it was strongly guarded — but turned his attention 
to Ategua, a city in which he had learned that there was 
an abundance of grain. Although it was strong, he 
hoped by the size of his army and the sudden terror of 
his appearance to alarm the inhabitants and capture it. 
In a short time he had palisaded it off and dug a ditch 
round about. Pompey, encouraged by the nature of 
the country and thinking that Caesar because of the 
winter would not besiege the place to any great extent, 
paid no heed and did not try at first to repel the assail- 
ants, since he was unwilling to injure his own soldiers 
in the cold. Later on, when the town had been walled 
off and Cffisar was in position before it, he grew afraid 
and came with assistance. He fell in with the pickets 
suddenly one misty night and killed a number of them. 
The ungeneraled condition of the inhabitants he ameli- 
orated by sending to them Munatius Flaccus. The lat- — 34 — 
ter had contrived the following scheme to get inside. 
He went alone by night to some of the guards as if ap- 
pointed by Csesar to visit the sentries, asked and 
learned the pass-word: — he was not known, of course, 
and woidd never have been suspected by the separate 
contingents of being anything but a friend when he 
acted in this manner: — then he left these men and 
went around to the other side of the circumvallation 
where he met some other guards and gave them the 
pass-word: after that he pretended that his mission 
was to betray the city, and so went inside through the 



.^' ^\t^s midst of the soldiers with their consent and actually 
Jitt. u. 708) •' 

under their escort. He could not, however, save the 
place. In addition to other setbacks there was one oc- 
casion when the citizens hurled fire upon the engines 
and palisades of the Eomans, yet did no damage to 
them worth mentioning; but they themselves by reason 
of a violent wind which just then began to blow toward 
them from the opposite side fared ill : for their build- 
ings were set afire and many persons perished from the 
stones and missiles, not being able to see any distance 
ahead of them for the smoke. After this disaster, as 
their land was contiaually ravaged, and every now and 
then a portion of their wall would fall, imdermined, 
they began to riot. Flaccus first conferred with Caesar 
by herald on the basis of pardon for himself and follow- 
ers : later he failed of this owing to his resolution not 
to surrender his arms, but the rest of the natives subse- 
quently sent ambassadors and submitted to the terms 
imposed upon each. 
_ 35 _ The capture of that city did not fail of its influence 
upon the other peoples, but many themselves after 
sending envoys espoused Caesar's cause, and many re- 
ceived him on his approach or his lieutenants. Pom- 
pey, in consequence, at a loss which way to turn, at first 
made frequent changes of base, wandering about now 
in one and now in another part of the country: later 
on he became afraid that as a result of this very be- 
havior the rest of his adherents would also leave him 
in the lurch, and chose to hazard all, although Heaven 
beforehand indicated his defeat very clearly. To be 



sure, the drops of sweat that fell from sacred statues ^- ^-J^ 

, {a- «• 708) 

and the confused noises of the legions, and the many 
animals born which proved to be perversions of the 
proper type, and the torches darting from sunrise to 
the sunset region — (all these signs then met together 
in Spain at one time) — gave no clear manifestation to 
which of the two combatants they were revealing the 
future. But the eagles of his legions shook their wings 
and cast forth the golden thunderbolts which some of 
them held in their talons : thus they would hurl disaster 
directly at Pompey before flying off to Caesar. . . . 
For a different force . . . Heaven, and he held it in 
slight esteem, and so into war . . . settled down to 

Both had in addition to their citizen and mercenary — 36 — 
troops many of the natives and many Moors. For 
Bocchus^ had sent his sons to Pompey and Bogud in 
person accompanied Caesar's force. Still, the contest 
turned out to be like a struggle of the Eomans them- 
selves, not of any other nations. Caesar's soldiers de- 

lAt the close of this chapter there are undoubtedly certain gaps in 
the MS., as Dindorf discerned. In the Tauchnitz stereotyped edition, 
which usually insists upon wresting some sense from such passages 
either by conjecture or by emendation, the following sentence appears: 
" But Pompey made light of these supernatural effects, and the war 
shrank to the compass of a battle." Boissevain (with a suggestion by 
Kuiper) reads: olXX' Tjys yap t6 datfidvcov, ev re dXiyiupia aurd iTzonjaaTO 
xat I? Tzohv MoovSav Ttpb<s /J-d)r7iv dij xariarrj. This would mean: " But 
Heaven, which he had slighted, led his steps, and he took up his quar- 
ters in a city called Munda preparatory to battle." 

2Mommsen in his Roman History (third Grerman edition, p. 627, 
note 1), remarks that Dio must have confused the son of Bocchus with 
the son of Massinissa, Arabio, who certainly did align himself with the 
Pompeian party ( Appian, Civil Wars, IV, 54 ) . All other evidence, 
outside of this one passage, shows the two kings to have been steadfastly 
loyal to Caesar, behavior which brought them tangible profit in the 
shape of enlargement of their domains. 



B. c. 46 rived courage from their mimbers and experience and 
above all from their leader's presence and so were 
anxious to be done with the war and its attendant 
miseries. Pompey's men were inferior in these re- 
spects, but, strong through their despair of safety, 
should they fail to conquer, continued zealous.^ Inas- 
much as the majority of them had been captured with 
Afranius and Varro, had been spared, and delivered 
afterward to Longinus, from whom they had revolted, 
they had no hope of safety if they were beaten, and as 
a result of this were drawn toward desperation, feeling 
that they needed to be of good cheer at that particular 
time or else perish utterly. So the armies came to- 
gether and began the battle. They had no longer any 
dread of each other, since they had been so many times 
opposed in arms, and for that reason required no urg- 

— 87 — ing. In the course of the engagement the allied forces 
on both sides quickly were routed and fled; but the main 
bodies struggled in close combat to the utmost in their 
resistance of each other. Not a man of them would 
yield. They remained in position, wreaking slaughter 
and being slain, as if each separate man was to be re- 
sponsible to all the rest as well for the outcome of 
victory or defeat. Consequently they were not con- 
cerned to see how their allies were battling but set to 
work as if they alone were engaged. Neither sound of 
paean nor groan was to be heard from any one of them : 
both sides limited their shouts to " Strike! Kill! ", 
while their acts easily outran their speech. Caesar and 
Pompey, who saw this from horseback on certain 6le- 

1 1, e., they were in arms against Ceesar a second time. Compare 
the note on chapter 12. 



B. C. 46 

(a. u. 708) 

vated positions, felt little inclination to either hope or 
despair, hut torn with douhts were equally distressed 
by confidence and fear. The battle was so nearly bal- 
anced that they suffered tortures at the sight, straining 
to spy out some advantage, and quivering lest they des- 
cry some setback. Their souls were filled with prayers 
for success and against misfortune, and with alternat- 
ing strength and fear. In fact, not being able to endure 
it long, they leaped from their horses and joined the 
combat. Apparently they preferred a participation in- 
volving personal exertion and danger rather than ten- 
sion of spirit, and each hoped by associating in the fight 
to turn the scale somehow in favor of his own soldiers. 
Or, if they failed of that, they were content to meet 
death, side by side with them. 

The generals, then, took part in the battle themselves. — 38 — 
This movement, however, resulted in no advantage to 
either army. On the contrary, — when the men saw 
their chiefs shariag their danger, a far greater disre- 
gard for their own death and eagerness for the destruc- 
tion of their opponents seized both alike. Accordingly 
neither side for the moment turned to flight : matched in 
determination, they found their persons matched in 
power. All would have perished, or else at nightfall 
they would have parted with honors even, had not Bo- 
gud, who was somewhere outside the press, made an ad- 
vance upon Pompey's camp, whereupon Lahienus, see- 
ing it, left his station to proceed against him. Pom- 
pey's men, interpreting this as flight, lost heart. Later 
they doubtless learned the truth but could no longer 
retrieve their position. Some escaped to the city, some 
to the fortification. The latter body vigorously fought 



^- ^--15 off attacks and fell only when surrounded, while the 

(o. It. 708) •' 

former for a long time kept the wall safe, so that it was 
not captured tUl all of them had perished in sallies. So 
great was the total loss of Eomans on both sides that 
the victors, at a loss how to wall in the city to prevent 
any running away in the night, actually heaped up the 
bodies of the dead around it. 
»>89_ CsBsar, having thus conquered, took Corduba at once. 
Sextus had retired from his path, and the natives, al- 
though their slaves, who had purposely been made free, 
offered resistance, came over to his side. He slew those 
imder arms and obtained money by the sale of the rest. 
The same course he adopted with those that held His- 
palis, who at first, pretending to be willing, had ac- 
cepted a garrison from him, but later massacred the 
soldiers that had come there, and entered upon a course 
of warfare. In his expedition against them his rather 
careless conduct of the siege caused them some hope of 
being able to escape. So then he allowed them to come 
outside the wall, where he ambushed and destroyed 
them, and in this way captured the town, which was 
soon destitute of male defenders. Next he acquired 
and levied money upon Munda and the other places, 
some that were unwilling with great slaughter and 
others of their own accord. He did not even spare the 
offerings to Hercules, consecrated in Gades, and he de- 
tached special precincts from some towns and laid an 
added tribute upon others. This was his course toward 
those who had opposed him ; but to those who displayed 
any good-will toward him he granted lands and free- 



dom from taxation, to some, moreover, citizenship, and , ^- ^-.l^, 
to others the right to be considered Roman colonies ; he 
did not, however, grant these favors for nothing. 

While Caesar was thus occupied, Pompey, who had —40 — 
escaped in the rout, reached the sea, intending to use 
the fleet that lay at anchor in Carteia, but found that 
it had espoused the victor's cause. He endeavored to 
embark in a boat, expecting to obtain safety thereby. 
In the course of the attempt, however, he was roughly 
handled and in dejection came to land again, where, 
taking some men that had assembled, he set out for 
the interior. Pompey himself met defeat at the hands; 
of Caesennius^ Lento, with whom he fell in: he took 
refuge in a wood, and was there killed. Didius, ig- 
norant of the event, whUe wandering about to join) 
him met some other enemies and perished. 

Csesar, too, would doubtless have chosen to fall —41 — 
there, at the hands of those who were still resisting 
and in the glory of war, in preference to the fate he 
met not long after, to be cut down in his own land 
and in the senate, at the hands of his best friends. For 
this was the last war he carried through successfully, 
and this the last victory that he won in spite of the 
fact that there was no project so great that he did 
not hope to accomplish it. In this belief he wasi 
strengthened not only by other jeasons but most of 
all because from a palm that stood on the site of the 
battle a shoot grew out immediately after the victory. 

iThis name is spelled Cwsonius in Florus's Epitome of Livy's Thir- 
teenth Book (=Florus II, 13, 86) and also in Orosius's Narratives for 
the Discomfiture of Pagans (VI, 16, 9), but appears with the same 
form as here in Cicero's Philippics, XII, 9, 23. 



B. c. 46 And I will not assert that this had no bearing in some 

{a. u. 708) 

direction; it was, however, no longer for him, but 
for his sister's grandson, Octavius: the latter made 
the expedition with him, and was destined to shine 
forth brightly from his toils and dangers. As Caesar 
did not know this, hoping that many great additional 
successes would fall to his own lot he acted in no 
moderate fashion, but was filled with loftiness as if 
— ^— immortal. Though it was no foreign nation he had 
conquered, but a great mass of citizens that he had 
destroyed, he not only personally directed the triumph, 
incidentally regaling the entire populace again, as if 
in honor of some common blessing, but also allowed 
Quintus Fabius and Quiutus Pedius to hold a festival.* 
Yet they had merely been his lieutenants and had 
achieved no individual success. Naturally some laugh- 
ter was caused by this, as well as by the fact that he 
used wooden instead of ivory instruments, and repre- 
sentations of certain actions, and other such triumphal 
apparatus. Nevertheless, most brilliant triple fetes 
and triple processions of the Eomans were held in 
connection with those very things, and furthermore 
a hallowed period of fifty days was observed. The 
Parilia'' was honored by a perpetual horse-race, yet 

1 The MS. has only " Fabius and Quintus." Mommsen supplies their 
entire names from chapter 31 of this book. 

2 This was originally a festival of Pales-Palatua, and information 
regarding its introduction is intercepted by remote antiquity. In 
historical times we find it celebrated as the commemoration of the 
founding of Rome, because Pales-Palatua was a divinity closely con- 
nected with the Palatine, where the city first stood. From Hadrian's 
time on special brilliance attached to the occasion, and it was dignified 
by the epithet "Roman" (Athenseus). As late as the fifth century 
it was still known as " the birthday of the city of Rome." Both forms, 
Parilia and PaUUa occur. ( Mentioned also in Book Forty-five, chapter 6. ) 



not at all because tlie city had been foimded on that ,^- ^-J^, 

•' {a. u. 708) 

day, but because the news of Caesar's victory had 
arrived the day before, toward evening. 

Such was his gift to Rome. For himself he wore —43 — 
the triumphal garb, by decree, in all assemblages and 
was adorned with the laurel crown always and every- 
where alike. The excuse that he gave for it was that 
his forehead was bald; and this had some show of 
reason from the very fact that at the time, though 
well past youth, he still bestowed attention on his ap- 
pearance. He showed among all men his pride in rather 
foppish clothing, and the footwear which he used later 
on was sometimes high and of a reddish color, after 
the style of the kings who had once lived in Alba, for 
he assumed that he was related to them on account of 
lulus. To Venus he was, in general, devoted body 
and soul and he was anxious to persuade everybody 
that he had received from her a kiad of bloom of 
youth. Accordingly he used also to carry about a 
carven image of her in full armor and he made her 
name his watchword in almost all the greatest dangers. 
The looseness of his girdle^ Sulla had looked askance 
at, insomuch that he wished to kill him, and declared 
to those who begged him off: " "Well, I will grant 
him to you, but do you be on your guard, without faU, 
against this ill-girt fellow." Cicero could not com- 
prehend it, but even in the moment of defeat said: 
" I should never have expected one so ill-girt to con- 
quer Pompey." 

1 Licentiousness and general laxity of morals. 



— 44 — This I have written by way of digression from, my 

B. C. 46 ^ ^ o 

(a. «. 708) story, so that no one might be ignorant of the stones 
about Caesar. — In honor of the victory the senate 
passed all of those decrees that I have mentioned, and 
further called him " liberator ", iuscribed it in the 
records, and publicly voted for a temple of Liberty. 
To him first and for the first time, they then applied, 
as a term of special significance, the title " im- 
perator, " ■ — not merely according to ancient custom 
any longer, as others besides Caesar had often been 
isaluted as a result of wars, nor even as those who 
have received some independent command or other 
authority were called, but, in short, it was this title 
which is now granted to those who hold successively 
the supreme power. And so great an excess of flat- 
tery did they employ as even to vote that his children 
and grandchildren should be so called, though he had 
no child and was already an old man. From him this 
title has come down to all subsequent imperatores, 
as something peculiar to their office, even as in Caesar's 
case. The ancient custom has not, however, been 
thereby overthrown. Each of the two titles exists. 
Consequently they are invested with it a second time, 
when they gain some such victory as has been men- 
tioned. Those who are imperatores in the limited 
sense use the appellation once, as they do others, and 
indeed before others : whatever rulers in addition ac- 
complish in war any deed worthy of it acquire also 
the name handed down by ancient custom, so that a 
man is termed imperator a second and a third time, 



and oftener, as frequently as he can bestow it upon ,^'^'.j^^ 

These privileges they granted then to Caesar, as well 
as a house, so that he might live in state-property, 
and a special period of festival whenever any victory 
took place and whenever there were sacrifices for it, 
even if he had not been with the expedition nor in 
general had any hand in the achievement.* Still, —45 — 
those measures, even if they seemed to them immod- 
erate and out of the usual order, were not, so far, 
undemocratic. But they passed the following decrees 
besides, by which they declared him sovereign out and 
out. They offered him the magistracies, even those 
belonging to the people, and elected him consul for 
ten years, as they previously had dictator. They or- 
dered that he alone should have soldiers, and alone 
administer the public funds, so that no one else was 
allowed to employ either of them, save whom he might 
permit. And they commanded at that time that an 
ivory statue of him, but later that a whole chariot 
should be escorted at the horse-races along with the 
likenesses of the gods. Another image they set up ini 
the temple of Quirinus with the inscription: " to the 
invincible god ' ', and another on the Capitol beside the 
former kings of Eome. It occurs to me really to mar- 
vel at the coincidence: there were eight such images 
— seven to the kiugs, and an eighth to the Brutus that 
overthrew the Tarquins — besides this one, when they 

iThe last clause of this chapter as it appears in the MS. is evi- 
dently corrupt. The reading adopted is that of Madvig, modified by 



B. c. 46 set up the statue of Caesar ; and it was from this cause 

(o. u. 708) ^ . -, . 

chiefly that Marcus Brutus was stirred to conspire 
against him, 

— 46 — These were the measures that were ratified because 
of victory, — I am not mentioning all, but as many as 
have seemed to me notable, — not on one day, but just 
as it happened, one at one time, another at another. 
Some of them Caesar began to render operative, and 
of others he intended to make use in the future, no 
matter how much he put aside some of them. Now 
the oflSce of consul he took up immediately, even be- 
fore entering the city, but did not hold it continuously. 

B. c. 45 When he got to Rome he renounced it, delivering it 

(a. u. 709) 

to Quintus Fabius and Gains Trebonius. When 
Fabius on the last day of his consulship died, he 
straightway chose instead of him another. Gains Ca- 
ninius Eebilus for the remaining hours. Then for the 
first time, contrary to precedent, it became possible 
for the same man to hold that office neither annually, 
nor for all the time left in the same year, but while 
living to withdraw from it without compulsion from 
either ancestral custom or any accusation, and for 
another one to take his place. In the second place 
the circumstances were unique, because Caninius at 
once was appointed consul, and ceased to serve. On 
this, Cicero jestingly said that the consul had dis- 
played so great bravery and prudence in office, as 
never to fall asleep in it for the briefest moment. So 
from that period on the same persons no longer (save 
a few in olden times), served as consul through the 
entire year, but just as it happened, — some for more 
time, some for less, some for months, others for days, 



— since now no one serves with any one else, as a rule, , ^- ^- f-\, 

•' ' ' {a. u. 709) 

for a whole year or for a longer period than two 
months. In general we do not differ from our ances- 
tors, but the naming of the years for purposes of 
enumeration falls to those who are consuls at the start. 
Accordingly I shall in most cases name those officials 
closely connected with events, but to secure perfect 
clearness with regard to what is done from time to 
time I shall mention also those first to serve, even if 
they make no contribution to the undertakings in 

"Whereas the consuls were thus disposed of, the re- —47 — 
maining magistrates were nomiually elected by the 
plebs and by the populace, in accord with ancient 
customs (for Coesar would not accept the appointment 
of them), but really by him, and without the casting 
of lots they were sent out among the provinces. As 
for number, all were the same as before, eixcept that 
thirteen praetors and forty quaestors were appointed. 
For, since he had made many promises to many peo^ 
pie, he had no other way to redeem them, and that 
accounts for his actions. Furthermore he enrolled 
a vast number in the senate, making no distinction, 
whether & mam were a soldier, or a child of one en- 
slaved, so that the sum of them grew tO' nine hundred : 
and he enrolled many among the patricians and among 
the ex-consuls or such as had held some office. When 
some were tried for bribery and convicted he released! 
them, so that he was charged with bribe-taking him- 
self. This report was strengthened by the fact that 
VOL. 2.-26 401 


B. c. 45 he also exposed^ in tlie market all the public lands, 

(a. u. 709) 

not only the profane, but also the consecrated lots, 
and auctioned off the majority of them. Neverthe- 
less to some persons he granted ample gifts in the 
form of money or the sal© of lands ; and to a certain 
Lucius Basilus^ he allowed no rulership of a province, 
though the latter was praetor, but bestowed a large 
amount of money in place of it, so that Basilus be- 
came notorious both in this matter and because when 
insulted in the course of his prsetorship by Caesar he 
stood his ground.* 

All this suited those citizens who were making or ex- 
pecting to make corrupt gain, since they reverenced no 
element of the public weal in comparison with bettering^ 
themselves by such acts. But all the rest took it 
greatly to heart, and had much to say about it to in- 
timates and also (as many as felt safe in so doing) 
in outspoken public conversation and the publica- 
tion of anonymous pamphlets. 
— 48— Not only were those measures carried out that year, 
but two of the aediles took charge of the municipal gov- 
ernment, since no quaestor had been elected. For just 
as once formerly, so now in the absence of Caesar, the 
aediles managed all the city affairs, in conjunction with! 
Lepidus as master of the horse. Although they were 
censured for employing lictors and magisterial garb 
and chair precisely like the master of the horse, they 
got off by citing a certain law, which allowed all those 

1 Verb supplied (to fill MS. gap) by R. Stephanus and Leunclavius. 

2 L. Minuoius Basilus. 

3 Reading, with 'BoisaevB,in,dvTexapTipTic7s. 



receaving any office from a dictator to make use of b. c. 45 

{a. u. 709) 

such, things. Th.e business of administration, clianged 
from that time for the reasons I have mentioned, was 
no longer invariably laid upon the quaestors, but was 
finally assigned to ex-praetors. Two of the aediles 
managed at that time the public treasures, and one 
of them, by provision of Caesar, superintended the 
Ludi ApoUinares. The aediles of the populace directed 
the Megalesia, by decree. A certain prefect, appointed 
during the Feriae, himself chose a successor on the 
last day, and the latter another : this had never hap- 
pened before, nor did it happen again. 

The next year after these events during which Caesar — 49 — 

B. c. 44 
was at once dictator for the fifth time, taking Lepidus (». «. 710) 

as master of the horse, and consul for the fifth time, 

choosing Antony as colleague, sixteen praetors were 

in power — this custom indeed has remained^ for many 

years — and the rostra, which was formerly in the 

center of the Forum, was moved back to its present 

position : also the images of Sulla and of Pompey were 

restored to it. For this Caesar received praise, and 

again because he put upon Antony both the glory of 

the deed and credit for the inscription on the image. 

Being anxious to build a theatre, as Pompey had done, 

he laid the first foundations, but did not finish it. 

Augustus later completed it and named it for his 

nephew, Marcus Marcellus. But Caesar was blamed 

for tearing down the dwellings and temples on the 

site, and likewise because he burned up the statues, — 

1 A gap in the MS. — Verb conjectured by Bekker on the analogy of 
a passage in chapter 53. 



, ^- ^- 1* all of "Wood, save a few, — and because on finding con- 
la. «. 710) . 

siderable treasures of money lie appropriated them all. 

— 50— In addition, he introduced laws and extended the 

pomerium, his behavior in these and other matters 
resembling that of Sulla. Caesar, however, removed 
the ban from the survivors of those that had warred 
against him, granting them immunity with fair and 
equal terms; he promoted them to office; to the wives 
of the slain he restored their dowries, and to their 
children granted a share in the property, thus putting 
mightily to shame Sulla's blood-guiltiness; so that 
he himself enjoyed a great repute not alone for brav- 
ery, but also for uprightness, though it is generally 
difficult for the same man to be eminent in peace as 
well as in war. This was a source of pride to him, as 
was the fact that he had raised again Carthage 
and Corinth. To be sure, there were many other cities 
in and outside of Italy, some of which he had buUt 
afresh, and some which he had newly founded. Oth- 
ers, however, had done that: it remained for him to 
restore, in memory of their former inhabitants, Cor- 
inth and Carthage, ancient, brUliant, conspicuous, 
ruined cities: one of them he declared a Roman col- 
ony, and colonized, and the other he honored with its 
ancient titles, bearing no grudge for the enmity of 
their peoples toward places that had never harmed 
And they, even as they had once been demolished 

— 61 — together, now revived together and bade fair to flour- 

ish once again. But while CsBsar was so engaged, a 
longing came over all the Romans alike to avenge 
Crassus and those that perished with him: there was 



some hope then, if ever, of subjugating the Parthians. ,^'^'^iq^ 
The command of the war they unanimously voted to 
Caesar, and made ample provision for it. They ar- 
ranged, among other details, that he should have a 
larger number of assistants, and that the city should 
neither be without officials ini his absence, nor by at- 
tempting to choose some on its own responsibility 
fall into factions: also that such magistrates should 
be appointed in advance for three years (this was the 
length of time they thought necessary for the cam- 
paign). However, they did not designate them all 
beforehand. Nominally Caesar was to choose half of 
them, having a certain legal right to do this, but really 
he chose the whole number. For the first year, as 
previously, forty quaestors were elected, and then for 
the first time two patrician aediles and four from the 
people. Of the latter two have their title from Ceres, 
— a custom which, then introduced, has remained to 
the present day. Pnetors were nominated to the num- 
ber of eleven. It is not on this, however, that I desire 
to lay emphasis (for they had formerly been as many), 
but on the fact that among them was chosen Publius 
Ventidius. He was originally from Picenum, as has 
been remarked, and fought against Rome when her 
allies were alienated. He was captured by Pompeius 
Strabo,^ and in the latter 's triumph marched in chains. 
Later he was released; some time after he was en- 
rolled in the senate, and was now appointed praetor 
by Caesar; by degrees he advanced to such prominence 
as to conquer the Parthians and hold a triumph over 

1 The father of Pompey the Great. 



B. c. 44 ^1 those who were to hold office the first year after 
(a. «. 710) •■ - , 

that were appointed m advancej but for the second 
year the consuls and tribunes only: and no one got 
any closer than this to being nominated for the third 
year. Caesar himself intended to be dictator both 
years, and designated Octavius in advance as master of 
the horse for the second, though he was at that time 
a mere lad. For the time being, while this was going 
on, CaBsar appointed Dolabella consul in his own stead, 
leaving Antony to finish the year out in office. To 
Lepidus he assigned Gallia Narbonensis with the ad- 
joining portions of Spain, and made two men masters 
of horse in their place, each separately. Owing, as 
he did, favors to many persons he repaid them by 
such appointments as these and by priesthoods, add- 
ing one to the " Quindecimviri ", and three others to 
the " Septemviri," as they were called. 






The following is contained in the Forty-fourth of Dio'a Rome. 

About the decrees passed in honor of Cs8sar (chapters 1- 

About the conspiracy formed against him (chapters 

How Caesar was murdered (chapters 19-22). 

How a decree was passed tbat the people should not bear 
malice against one another (chapters 23-34). 

About the burial of Csesar and the oration delivered over 
bim (chapters 35-53). 

Duration of time, to the end of the 5th dictatorship of Julius Csesar, 
held in company with iBmilius Lepidus as Master of the Horse, and to 
the end of his 6th consulship, shared with Marcus Antonius. (B. C. 
44 = a. u. 710). 



This CsBsar did as a preliminary step to makiug a — i — 
campaign against the Parthians, but a baleful frenzy (a. «. 710) 
which fell upon certain men through jealousy of his 
onward progress and hatred of his being esteemed 
above others caused the death of the leader by im- 
lawful means, while it added a new name to the annals 
of infamy; it scattered decrees to the winds and 
brought upon the Eomans seditions again and civil 
wars after a state of harmony. They declared that 
they had proved themselves both destroyers of Caesar 
and liberators of the people, but in fact their plot 
against him was one of fiendish malice, and they threw 
the city into disorder when at last it possessed a stable 
government. Democracy has a fair appearing name — 2 — 
which conveys the impression of bringing equal rights 
to all from equal laws, but its results are seen not to 
agree at all with its title. Monarchy, on the contrary, 
strikes the ear unpleasantly, but is a very excellent 
government to live under. It is easier to find one single 
excellent man than many, and if even this seems to 
some a difficult feat, it is quite inevitable that the 
other proposition be acknowledged to be impossible; 
for the acquirement of virtue is not a characteristic 
of the majority of men. And again, even though one 
reprobate should obtain supreme power, yet he is 
preferable to a multitude of such persons, as the his- 
tory of the Greeks and barbarians and of the Eomansi 
themselves proves. For successes have always been 



, ^' ^' tf^s greater and more in number in the case both of cities 

(o. M. 710) ° 

' and of individuals under Mngs than under popular 
rule, and disasters do not happen so easily in mon- 
archies as in ochlocracies. In cases where a democracy 
has flourished anywhere, it has nevertheless reached 
its prime during a short period when the people had 
neither size nor strength that abuses should spring 
up among them from good fortune or jealousies from 
ambition. For a city so large as this, ruling the finest 
and the greatest part of the known world, containing 
men of many and diverse natures, holding many huge 
fortunes, occupied with every imaginable pursuit, en- 
joying every imaginable fortune, both individually and 
collectively, — for such a city to practice moderation 
imder a democracy is impossible, and still more is it 
impossible for the people, xmless moderation prevails, 
to be harmonious. If Marcus Brutus and Gaius Cas- 
sius had stopped to think this over they would never 
have killed the city's head and protector nor have 
made themselves the cause of countless ills both to 
their own persons and to all the rest of mankind then 
— 3— It happened as follows, and his death was due to 
the cause I shall presently describe. He had not 
aroused dislike without any definite justification, ex- 
cept in so far as it was the senators themselves who 
had by the novelty and excess of their honors sent 
his mmd soaring; and then, after filling him with 
conceit, they found fault with his prerogatives and 
spread injurious reports to the effect that he was glad 
to accept them and behaved more haughtily as a re- 
sult of them. It is true that sometimes Caesar erred 


-4 — 


by accepting some of the honors voted him and beJiev- b. c. 44 

(a. M. 710) 

ing that he really deserved them, yet most hlame- 
worthy are those who, after beginning to reward him 
as he deserved, led him on and made hitn liable to 
censure by the measures that they voted. He neither 
dared to thrust them all aside, for fear of being 
thought contemptuous, nor could he be safe when he 
accepted them. Excess in honors and praises renders 
conceited even the most modest, especially if such re- 
wards appear to have been given with sincerity. The 
privileges that were granted hina (in addition to all 
those mentioned) were of the following number and 
kinds. They will be stated all together, even if they 
were not all moved or ratified at one time. First, then, 
they voted that he should always appear even in the 
city itself wearing the triumphal garb and should sit 
in his chair of state everywhere except at festivals. 
At that time he got the right to be seen on the trib- 
ime's benches and in company with those who were 
successively tribunes. And they gave him the right 
to offer the so-called spolia opima at the temple of 
Jupiter Feretrius, as if he had slain some hostile gen- 
eral with his own hand, and to have lictors that al- 
ways carried laurel, and after the Feriae Latinae to 
ride from Albanum to the city mounted on a charger. 
In addition to these remarkable privileges they named 
him father of his country, stamped his image on the 
coinage, voted to celebrate his birthday by public sac- 
rifice, ordered that there be some statue of him in the 
cities and all the temples of Rome, and they set on 
the rostra two, one representing him as the savior 
of the citizens and the other as the rescuer of the city 



s- ^•^^.. from siege, along with the crowns customary for such 
achievements. They also passed a resolution to build 
a temple of Concordia Nova, on the ground that 
through his efforts they enjoyed peace, and to cele- 

— 5 — brate an annual festival in her honor. When he had 

accepted these, they assigned to him the charge of 
filling the Pontiae marshes, cutting a oanal through 
the Peloponnesian isthmus, and constructing a new 
senate-house, since that of Hostilius although repaired 
had been demolished. The reason given for that action 
was that a temple of G-ood Fortune might be built there, 
which Lepidus, indeed, while master of the horse had 
completed: but the real intention was that the name 
of Sulla should not be preserved in it and that an- 
other senate-house, newly constructed, might be named 
the Julian, just as they had called the month in which 
he was bom July, and one of the tribes (selected by 
lot) the Julian. And CsBsar himself, they voted, 
should be sole censor for life and enjoy the immunities 
bestowed upon the tribimes, so that if any one should 
outrage him by deed or word, that man should be an 
outlaw and involved in the curse, and further that his 
son, should he beget or adopt one, was to be appointed 

— 6 — high priest. As he seemed to like this, a gilded chair 

was granted him, and a garb that once the kings had 
used and a body-guard of knights and senators : fur- 
thermore they decided that prayers should be made 
for him publicly every year, that they would swear 
by his Fortune and that all the deeds he was yet to 
do should receive confirmation. Next they bestowed 
upon him a quinquennial festival, as to a hero, and 
managers of sacred rites for the festival of naked boys 



ia Pan's honor,^ constituting a third priestly college ,^'^'^iq-. 
which they called the Julian, and on the occasion of 
all combats in armor one special day of his own each 
time both in Eome and the rest of Italy. When he 
showed himself pleased at this, too, then they voted 
that his gilded chair and crown set with precious gems 
and overlaid with gold should be carried into the 
theatre on an equal footing with those of the gods, 
and that on the occasion of the horse-races his chariot 
should be brought in. And finally they addressed 
him outright as Julian Jupiter and ordered a temple 
to be consecrated to him and to his Clemency, electing 
Antony as their priest like some Dialis. 

At the same time with these measures they passed — 7 — 
another which well indicated their disposition. It gave 
him the right to place his tomb within the pomerium ; 
and the decrees regarding this matter they inscribed 
with gold letters on silver tablets and deposited beneath 
the feet of the Capitoline Jupiter, thus pointing out to 
hitn very clearly that he was a man. When they began 
to honor him it was with the idea that he would be rea- 
sonably modest; but as they went on and saw that he 
was delighted at what they voted, — he accepted all but 
a very few of their gifts, — various men kept at differ- 
ent times proposing various greater marks of esteem, 
all in excess, some as an act of extreme flattery toward 
him, and others as one of sarcastic ridicule. Actually 
some dared to suggest permitting him to have inter- 

1 In other words, the Lupercalia. The two other colleges of Luper- 
cales to which allusion is made were known as the Quintilian and the 



, ^' *-'■ iL. course with as many women^ as he liked, because even 

{a. u. 710) 

at this time, though fifty years old, he still had nmner- 
ous mistresses. Others, and the majority, followed the 
course mentioned because they wished to make him en- 
vied and disliked as quickly as possible, that he might 
the sooner perish. Of course precisely that happened, 
though Caesar took courage on account of these very 
measures to believe that he would never be plotted 
against by the men who had voted him such honors, nor 
by any one else, because they would prevent it ; and in 
consequence from this time he dispensed with a body- 
gniard. Nominally he accepted the privilege of being 
watched over by the senators and knights and thus did 
— 8— away with his previous guardians. Once on a single 
day they had passed in his honor an imusually large 
number of decrees of especially important character, 
that had been voted unanimously by all the rest except 
Cassius and a few others, who became notorious for 
this action: yet they suffered no harm, a fact which 
conspicuously displayed their ruler's clemency. So, 
then, they approached him as he was sitting in the fore- 
part of the temple of Venus with the intention of an- 
nouncing to him in a body their decisions ; — such 
business they transacted in his absence, in order to 
have the appearance of doing it not under compulsion 
but voluntarily. And either by some Heaven-sent fa- 
tuity or through excess of joy he received them sitting, 
an act which aroused so great indignation among them 
all, not only senators but all the rest^ that it afforded 

1 Compare Suetonius (Life of Caesar), chapter 52. 



Ms slayers one of their cMef excuses for their plot b. c. a 

. ^ (o. u. 710) 

against hun. Some who subsequently tried to defend 
him said that owing to diarrhoea he could not control 
the movement of his bowels and had remained where 
he was in order to avoid a flux. 

They were not able, however, to persuade the ma- 
jority, since not long after this he arose and walked 
home without assistance; hence most men suspected 
him of being inflated with pride and hated him for his 
supercilious behavior, when it was they themselves who 
had made him disdainful by the extreme nature of their 
honors. After this occurrence suspicion was increased 
by the fact that somewhat later he submitted to being 
made dictator for life. 

"When he had reached this point, the conduct of the _q_ 
men plotting against him became no longer doubtful, 
and in order to embitter even his best friends against 
him they did their best to traduce the man and finally 
called him " king," — a name which was often heard 
in their consultations. When he refused the title and 
rebuked in a way those that so saluted him, yet did 
nothing by which he could be thought to be really dis- 
pleased at it, they secretly adorned his statue, which 
stood on the rostra, with a diadem. And when Gains 
Epidius Marullus and Lucius Caesetius Flavus, trib- 
unes, took it down, he became thoroughly angry, al- 
though they uttered no insulting word and furthermore 
spoke well of him before the people as not desiring any- 
thing of the sort. At this time, though vexed, he re- _io— 
mained quiet; subsequently, however, when he was rid- 
ing in from Albanum, some men again called him king, 



B. c. 44 and he said that his name was not king but Caesar : then 
when those tribunes brought suit against the first man 
that termed him king, he no longer restrained his wrath 
but showed evident irritation, as if these officials were 
actually aiming at the stability of his government. For 
the moment he took no revenge upon them : later, when 
they issued public notice to the effect that they found 
themselves not at liberty to speak freely and without 
molestation for the public good, he appeared exceed- 
ingly angry and brought them into the senate-house, 
where he accused them and put their conduct to the 
vote. He did not put them to death, though some de- 
clared them worthy of that penalty, but first having re- 
moved them from the tribuneship through the motion 
of Helvius Cinna, their colleague, he erased their names 
from the senate. Some were pleased at this, or pre- 
tended to be, on the ground that they would have no 
need to incur danger by free speech, and keeping out 
of politics they viewed events as from a watch tower. 
Caesar, however, received an ill name from this fact, 
too, that whereas he should have hated those that ap- 
plied to him the name of king, he let them go and found 
fault instead with the tribunes. 

— 11— Something else that happened not long after these 
events proved still more clearly that while pretendedly 
he shunned the title, in reality he desired to assume it. 
When he had entered the Forum at the festival of the 
Lupercalia, at which naked boys competed, and was sit- 
ting on the rostra in his golden chair adorned with the 
royal apparel and conspicuous by his crown wrought of 
gold, Antony with his fellow priests saluted him as king 



and surrounding Ms brows with a diadem said : ' ' The , ^- ^- ^* , 

° (a. u. 710) 

people gives this to you through my hands." He an- 
swered that Jupiter alone was king of the Eomans and 
sent the diadem to him to the Capitol, yet he was not 
angry and caused it to be inscribed in the records that 
the royalty presented to him by the people through 
the consul he had refused to receive. It was accord- 
ingly suspected that this had been done by some pre- 
arranged plan and that he was anxious for the nam© 
but wished to be somehow compelled to take it, and the 
consequent hatred against him was intense. After this 
certain men at the elections proposed those tribunes 
previously mentioned for the office of consul, and ap- 
proaching Marcus Brutus and such other persons as 
were of high spirit attempted privately to persuade 
them and incited them to action publicly. They scat- — la — 
tered broadcast many letters (taking the fullest ad- 
vantage of his having the same name as the great 
Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins), declaring that he 
was not truly that man's descendant : for he had put to 
death both his sons, the only ones he had, when they 
were mere lads, and was left no offspring surviving. 
This attitude was, however, a mere ruse on the part of 
the majority, adopted in order that being in family akin 
to that famous man he might be induced to undertake 
similar deeds. They kept continually invoking him, 
crying out ' ' Brutus, Brutus ! ' ', and adding further : 
" We need a Brutus." Finally on the statue of the 
early Brutus they wrote " Would that thou wert liv- 
ing," and upon their contemporary's platform (he was 
VOL. 2.-27 417 


,^c*4 praetor at the time) "Brutus, thou sleepest," and 

" Thou art not Brutus." 
— 13— These incidents persuaded him, especially as he had 
displayed hostility to Caesar from the start, to attack 
the leader, who had nevertheless shown himself later 
his benefactor. He was also influenced by the fact that 
he was, as I stated, both nephew and son-in-law of Cato 
of Utica so-called. And his wife Portia was the only 
woman, as they say, who had knowledge of the plot. 
She encountered him in the midst of his meditation 
upon these very matters and enquired in what he was 
so absorbed. When he made no answer, she susi>ected 
that she was distrusted on account of physical weak- 
ness, for fear she should reveal something even unwill- 
ingly under torture; hence she performed a noteworthy 
deed. She secretly inflicted a deep wound in her thigh 
to test herself and see if she could endure painful 
treatment. And when she found herself not overdis- 
tressed, she despised the wound, and came to him and 
said : ' ' You, my husband, though you trusted that my 
spirit would not utter a secret, nevertheless were dis- 
trustful of my body, and you acted in accordance with 
human reason. But I have found that I can make even 
it keep silence." Having said this she disclosed her 
thigh and after making known the reason for what she 
had done, said : " Tell me boldly now all that you are 
concealing, for to make me speak fire, lashes, and goads 
shall alike be powerless. I was not bom that kind of 
woman. Therefore if you shall still distrust me, it is 
better for me to die than live. If such be the case, 



let no one think me longer the daughter of Cato or your ^•^- ^* 
wife." Hearing this Brutus marveled; and he no 
longer hid anything from her hut felt strengthened 
himself and related to her the whole story. After this 
he obtained as an associate also Gains Cassius, who had 
himself been preserved by Caesar and moreover hon- 
ored with a praetorship ; he was the husband of Brutus 's 
sister. Next they proceeded to gather those who were 
of the same mind as themselves, and these proved to be 
not few in number. There is no need of my giving a 
list of most of the names, for I might thus become 
wearisome, but I cannot omit Trebonius and Decimus 
Brutus, whom they also named Junius and Albinus. 
For these joined in the plot against Caesar though they 
also had been greatly benefited by him, — Decimus hav- 
ing been appointed consul for the second year and as- 
signed to Hither Gaul. 

They came very near being detected by reason of the — IB — 
nmnber of those concerned and by their delay. Caesar, 
however, would not receive any information about such 
an undertaking and punished very severely those who 
brought any news of the kind. Still, they stood in awe 
of him and put the matter off, fearing that although 
he had no guard they might be killed by the persons 
surrounding him at various times; and thus they ran 
the risk of being discovered and perishing. Indeed, 
they would have suffered this fate, had they not been 
forced even agaiust their will to hasten the plot. A 
report went abroad, true or false after the manner of 
reports, that the so-called fifteen priests were declaring 



/ ^' ^'nL^ that the Sibyl had said the Parthians should never be 

{a. u, 710) ■' 

captured in any other way than by a king, and the 
people were consequently preparing to propose that 
this title be granted to Caesar. The conspirators be- 
lieved this to be true, and because a vote would be de- 
manded of the oflficials, among whom were Bnitus and 
Cassius, owing to the seriousness of the measure, they 
felt that they neither dared to oppose it nor could sub- 
mit to keep silent, and so hurried on the consummation 
of the plot before any business connected with the 
measure could come up. 

— 16 — It had been decided by them to make the attempt in 
the senate, for they thought that there Cassar would 
least expect to be harmed in any way and would so fall 
an easier victim, while they would possess opportunity 
coupled with security by having their swords instead of 
documents brought in iu boxes, and that the rest being 
unarmed would be unable to make any resistance. In 
case any one should be so rash, they expected at least 
that the gladiators, many of whom they had previously 
stationed ia Pompey's Theatre under the pretext that 
they were to practice with arms, would assist them. 
These were to lie in wait there in a certain room of the 
peristyle. The conspirators, when the appointed day 
had come, gathered in the senate-hall at dawn and 

— 17— called for Caesar. As for him, he was warned of the 
plot in advance by the soothsayers, and was warned 
also by dreams. The night before he was slaia his wife 
had a vision of their house fallen in ruins, her husband 
wounded by some men and taking refuge in her bosom, 



and of Caesar being raised aloft upon the clouds and B. c. 44 

^ . {a. u. 710) 

grasging the hand of Jupiter. Moreover omens not few 
nor indistinct crossed his path. The arms of Mars, at 
that time deposited at his house by virtue of his posi- 
tion as high priest and by ancestral custom, made a 
great noise at night, and the doors of the chamber 
where he slept opened of their own accord. The sacri- 
fices which he offered because of these occurrences in- 
dicated nothing favorable and the birds with which he 
practiced divination forbade him to leave the house. 
After his assassination, finally, some recalled a weighty 
incident in connection with his gilded chair, — that the 
servant, as Caesar was slow in coming, carried it out of 
the senate, thinking that he would have no further need 
of it. 

Caesar for this reason was so long in coming that the — 18 — 
conspirators feared there might be a postponement (a 
rumor circulated, indeed, that he would remain at home 
that day), and their plot thus fall through and they 
themselves be detected. Therefore they sent Decimus 
Brutus, as one appearing to be a devoted friend, to 
secure his attendance. This man made light of Caesar's 
scruples and by adding that the senate was extremely 
anxious to behold him, persuaded him to go forward. 
At this an image of his which he kept set up in the 
vestibule fell of its own accord and was shattered to 
pieces. He ought then to have changed his purpose, but 
instead he paid no attention to this and would not listen 
to some one who was giving him information of the 
plot. He received from him a little roll iu which all the 



B. c. 44 preparations made for the attack liad been accurately 

{a, u. 710) ^ ^ . ' 

inscribed, but did not read it, thinking that it was some 

other not very pressing matter. In brief, he was so 
confident that to the soothsayer who had warned him 
to beware of that day he said jokingly: " Where are 
your prophecies? Don't you see that the day over 
which you were all of a tremble is here and I am 
alive? " And the other, they say, answered only this: 
" Yes, it is here, but not yet gone." 
— 19— Now when he finally reached the senate Trebonius 
delayed Antony somewhere at a distance outside. They 
had planned to kill both him and Lepidus. But fearing 
that they might be ill spoken of as a result of the 
number of those destroyed, and that it might be said 
that they had slain Caesar to gain power and not to free 
the city, as they pretended, they did not wish Antony 
even to be present at his slaughter. As for Lepidus, 
he had set out on a campaign and was in the suburbs. 
Antony was held by Trebonius in conversation. Mean- 
while the rest in a body surrounded Caesar (he was as 
easy of access and ready to be addressed as any one 
could have wished) , and some talked among themselves, 
while others presented petitions to him, so that sus- 
picion might be as far from his mmd as possible. When 
the right moment came, one of them approached him as 
if to express his thanks for some favor or other and 
pulled his cloak from his shoulder ; for this, according 
to the agreement, served to the conspirators as a signal 
raised. Thereupon they attacked him from many sides 
at once and wounded him to death, so that by reason of 



their numbers Caesar was unable to say or do anything, b. c. 44 

(a. u. 710) 

but veiling his face was slain with many wounds. This 
is the truest account. In times past some have made a 
declaration like this, that to Brutus who struck him 
severely he said: " Thou, too, my child? " 

A great outcry naturally arose from all the rest who —20— 
were inside and who were standing nearby outside at 
the suddenness of the event and because they were not 
acquainted with the slayers, their numbers, or their in- 
tention ; and all were thrown into confusion, believing 
themselves in danger; so they themselves started in 
flight by whatever way each man could, and they 
alarmed those who met them by saying nothing definite, 
but merely shouting out these words : ' * Eun, bolt 
doors ! Eun, bolt doors ! ' ' The rest, taking it up from 
one another as each one echoed the cries, filled the city 
with lamentations, and they burst into shops and houses 
to hide themselves. Yet the assassins hurried just as 
they were to the Forum, indicating both by their ges- 
tures and their shouts not to be afraid. At the same 
time that they said this they called continuously for 
Cicero : but the crowd did not believe that they were 
sincere, and was not easily calmed. Late in the day at 
last they gradually began to take courage and became 
quiet, as no one was killed or arrested. When they met — 2i_ 
in the assembly the assassins had much to say against 
Caesar and much in favor of the democracy, and they 
bade the people take courage and not expect any harm. 
They had killed him, they declared, not to secure power 
or any other advantage, but in order that they might be 



B-C.44 free and independent and be governed rightly: By- 
speaking such words they calmed the majority, espe- 
cially since they injured no one. Fearing for all that 
that somebody might concert measures against them the 
conspirators ascended the Capitoline with the avowed 
intention of offering prayer to the gods, and there they 
spent the day and night. And at evening they were 
joined by some of the other prominent men who had not 
shared in the plot, but were anxious, when they saw the 
perpetrators praised, to secure the glory of it, as well 
as the prizes which those concerned expected. With 
great justice the affair happened to turn out the op- 
posite way : they did not secure any reputation for the 
deed because they had not been partakers of it in any 
way, but they shared the danger which fell upon the 
ones who committed it just as much as if they them- 
selves had been the plotters. 

— 22— Seeing this, Dolabella likewise did not see fit to keep 
quiet, but entered upon the consular office though it 
did not yet belong to him, and after a short speech to 
the people on the situation ascended the Capitol. "While 
affairs were in this condition Lepidus, learning what 
had taken place, by night occupied the Forum with his 
soldiers and at dawn delivered a speech against the 
assassins, Antony immediately after Caesar's death 
had fled, casting away his robe of office in order to es- 
cape notice, and had concealed himself through the 
night. When, however, he ascertamed that the assas- 
sins were on the Capitol and Lepidus in the Forum, he 
assembled the senate in the precinct of Tellus and 
brought forward the business of the hour for delibera- 
tion. Some said one thing, some another, as each of 



them thought about it : Cicero, whose advice they f ol- b. c. a 

(a. u. 710) 

lowed, spoke to this effect : — 

" On every occasion I think no one ought to say —33 — 
anything merely for the sake of winning favor or to 
show his spite, but to reveal just what the man in each 
case thinks to be the best. We demand that those who 
are praetors or consuls shall do everything from up- 
right motives, and if they make any errors we demand 
an account from them even if their slip was accidental ; 
and it will be unbearable if in debates, where we are 
complete masters of our own opinion, we shall abandon 
the common welfare with a view to private advantage. 
For this reason, Conscript Fathers, I have always 
thought that I ought to advise you on all matters 
with simplicity and justice, but especially under the 
present circumstances, when, if without being over- 
captious we come to an agreement, we shall be pre- 
served ourselves and enable all the rest to survive, but 
if we wish to examine everything minutely, I fear Ul 
fortune — but at the very opening of my address I 
do not wish to say anything displeasing. Formerly, —24 — 
not very long ago, those who had arms usually also 
got control of the government and consequently issued 
orders to you as to the subjects on which you must 
deliberate, but you could not look forward and see 
what it was proper for them to do. But now practi- 
cally all conditions are so favorably placed that the 
matter is in your hands and the responsibility rests 
upon you; and from your own selves you may obtam 
either concord and with it liberty, or seditions and 
civil wars again and a master at the close of them. 



B. c. 44 Whatever you decide to-day all the rest "will follow. 

(o. M. 710) . "' "' 

This being the state of the case as I see it, I declare 
that you ought to abandon your mutual enmities or 
jealousies or whatever name should be applied to them, 
and return to that ancient condition of peace and 
friendship and harmony. For you should remember 
this, if nothing else, that so long as we enjoyed that 
kind of government, we acquired lands, fortunes, glory 
and allies, but ever since we were led into abusing one 
another, so far from growing better we have become 
decidedly worse off. I am so firmly convinced that 
nothing else at present could save the city that if we 
do not to-day, at once, with all possible speed, adopt 
some policy, we shall never be able to regain our 
—85— " Notice carefully that I am speaking only the truth, 
of which you may convince yourselves if you regard 
present conditions and then consider our position in 
old times. Do you not see what is taking place, — that 
the populace is again being divided and torn asunder 
and that, some choosing this side, and some that, they 
have already fallen into two parties and two camps, 
that the one side has taken timely possession of the 
Capitol as if they feared the Gauls or somebody, and 
the other side with headquarters in the Forum is pre- 
paring to besiege them and so behaving like Cartha- 
ginians, and not as though they too were Romans? 
Do you not hear that though formerly citizens often 
differed, even to the extent of occupying the Aventine 
once, and the Capitol, and some of them the Sacred 



Mount, as often as they were reconciled one with, an- , ^■^■^f^, 

' •' (a. «. 710) 

other on equal terms (or by yielding but a small point) 
they at once stopped hating one another, to live the 
rest of their lives in such peace and harmony that 
in common they carried through successfully many 
great wars? As often, on the other hand, as they had 
recourse to murders and assassinations, the one side 
deceived by the justification of defending themselves 
against the encroachments of the other, and the other 
side by an ambition to appear to be inferior to none, 
no good ever came of it. Why need I waste time by 
repeating to you, who know them equally well, the 
names of Valerius, Horatius, Satuminus, Glaucia, 
the Gracchi? With such examples before you, not of 
foreign origin but native to this land, do not hesitate 
to strive after the right course and guard against the 
wrong. Having from the events of history received 
a proof of the outcome of the situation on which you 
are deliberating, regard my exhortation no longer as 
mere words but believe that the welfare of the com- 
munity is at stake this instant. Do not for any doubt- 
ful theory cast away the certainty of hope, but trusting 
to a reliable pledge secure in advance a sure result for 
your calculations. 

" It is in your power, if you receive this evidence that — ae — 
1 mentioned from your own laud and your own an- 
cestors, to decide rightly. And this is why I did not 
wish to cite instances from abroad, though I might 
have mentioned countless of them. One instance, nev- 
ertheless, I will offer from the best and most ancient 



B. c. 44 city from which our fathers did not disdain to intro- 
duce certain laws; for it would be a disgrace for us, 
who so far surpass the Athenians in strength and 
sense, to deliberate less well than they. They were 
once — of course you all know this — at variance, and 
as a result were overcome in war by the Lacedaemoni- 
ans and endured a tyranny of the more powerful citi- 
zens ; and they did not obtain a respite from evils until 
they made a compact and agreement to forget their 
past injuries, though many and severe, and never to 
allow a single reproach because of them or to bear 
malice against any one. Now when they had attained 
such a degree of wisdom, they not only ceased endur- 
ing tyrannies and seditions, but flourished in every 
way, regaining their city, laying claim to the sover- 
eignty of the Greeks, and finally becoming powerful 
enough to decide frequently on the preservation or 
destruction both of the Lacedaemonians themselves 
and of the Thebans. Now notice, that if those men 
who seized Phyle and came home from the Peiraeus 
had chosen to take vengeance on the city party for 
wrongs suffered, they would, to be sure, have seemed 
to have performed a justifiable action, but they would 
have undergone, as well as have caused, many evils. 
Just as they exceeded their hopes by defeating their 
foes, they might perhaps themselves have been in turn 

_27_ unexpectedly worsted. In such matters there is noth- 
ing sure, and one does not necessarily gain the mastery 
as a result of being strong, but vast numbers who were 
confident have failed and vast numbers who were look- 



ing to defeat somebody have perished before they b. c. 44 
could strike. The party that is overreached in any 
transaction is not bound to be fortunate just because 
it is "WTonged, nor is the party which has the greater 
power bound to be successful just because it sur- 
passes, but both are equally subservient to human 
uncertaiaty and the mutability of fortune, and the 
issue they secure is often not in accordance with the 
favorable prognostications of the one side, but proves 
to be what the other actually dared not expect. As a 
result of this, and of intense rivalry (for man is 
strongly given when wronged or believing himself 
wronged to become beyond measure bold) many are 
on many occasions inspired to undergo dangers even 
beyond their strength, with the determination to con- 
quer or at least not to perish utterly without having 
shed some blood. So it is that partly conquering and 
partly defeated, sometimes gaining the mastery over 
others and again falling prostrate themselves, some 
are altogether annihilated and others gain a Cadmean 
victory, as it is called, and at a time when the knowl- 
edge can avail them nothing they perceive that their 
plans were iU drawn. 

* ' That this is so you also have learned by experience. _ 28 — 
Consider, Marius for some time had power in seditions ; 
then he was driven out, collected a force, and accom- 
plished what you know. Likewise Sulla — not to 
speak of Cinna or Strabo or the rest who intervene — 
influential at first, then subdued, then making himself 
ruler, authorized every possible terrible severity. 



B. c. 44 After tliat Lepidus, evidently with, the intention of 
following in their footsteps, instituted a kiad of se- 
dition of his own and stirred nearly the whole of Italy. 
When we at last got rid of him too, remember what 
we suffered from Sertonus and from the exiles with 
him. Wha,t did Pompey, what did this Caesar himself 
do ? — not to mention here Catiline or Clodius. Did 
they not at first fight against each other, and that in 
spite of their relationship, and then fill full of count- 
less evils not only our own city or even the rest of 
Italy, but practically the entire world? "Well, after 
Pompey 's death and that great destruction of the citi- 
zens, did any quiet appear? Whence could it? By 
no means. Africa knows, Spain knows the multitudes 
who perished in each of those lands. What then? 
Did we have peace after this? How is it possible, 
when Caesar himself lies slain in this fashion, the Capi- 
tol is occupied, all through the Forum arms are seen, 

— 29— and throughout the city fear exists? In this way, 
when men begin a seditious career and seek ever to 
repay violence with violence and inflict vengeance 
without care for propriety, without care for human 
limitations, but according to their desires and the 
power that arms give them, there necessarily arises 
in each such case a kind of circle of ills, and alternate 
requitals of outrages take place. The fortunate party 
abounds in insolence and sets no limits to the advan- 
tage it may take, and the party that is crushed, if 
it does not perish immediately, rages at the disaster 
and is eager to take vengeance on the oppressor, until 
it sate its wrath. Then the remainder of the mul- 



titude, even if it lias not been previously involved in , ^-^-tL, 

' ^ '^ {a. u. 710) 

the transactions, now througli pity of the beaten and 
envy of the victorious side, cooperates with the former, 
fearing that it may suffer the same evils as the down- 
trodden element and hoping that it may win the same 
success as the force temporarily in the ascendant. 
Thus the portion of the citizens that is not concerned 
is brought into the dispute and one class takes the 
evil up against another, through pretence of aveng- 
ing the side which is for the moment at a disadvantage, 
as if they were repelling a regular, everyday danger; 
and individually they free themselves from it, but they 
ruin the community in every way. Do you not see —30 — 
how much time we have lost in fighting one another, 
how many great evils we have endured meanwhile, 
and, what is worse than that, inflicted? And who 
could count the vast mass of money of which we have 
stripped our allies and robbed the gods, which fur- 
thermore we have contributed ourselves from what 
we did not possess, and then expended it against one 
another? Or who could number the mass of men that 
have been lost, not only of ordinary persons (that is 
beyond computation) but of knights and senators, each 
one of whom was able ia foreign wars to preserve the 
whole city by his life and death? How many Curtii, 
how many Decii, Fabii, Gracchi, Marcelli, Scipiones 
have been killed? Not, by Jupiter, to repel Samnites 
or Latins or Spaniards or Carthaginians, but only to 
perish themselves in the end. And for those under 
arms who died, no matter how deep sorrow one might 



B. c. 44 feel for them, there is less reason to lament. They 
{a. u. 710) . . 

entered the battles as volunteers, if it is proper to call 

volunteers men compelled by fear, and they met even 
if an unjust at least a brave death, in an equal strug- 
gle; and in the hope that they might even survive and 
conquer they fell without grieving. But how might 
one mourn as they deserve those who were pitiably 
destroyed in their houses, in the roads, in the Forum, 
in the senate-chamber even, on the Capitol even, by 
violence — not only men but also women, not only 
those in their prime, but also old men and children? 
And after subjecting one another to so many of these 
reprisals of such a nature as all our enemies put to- 
gether never inflicted upon us (nor were we ever the 
authors of anything similar to them), so far from 
loathing such acts and manfully wishing to have done 
with them, we rejoice and hold festivals and term those 
who are guilty of them benefactors. Honestly, I can- 
not deem this life that we have been leading human; 
it is rather that of wild beasts which are consumed 
by one another. 

" For what is definitely past, however, why should 
we lament further? We cannot now prevent its hav- 
ing happened. Let us fix our attention upon the fu- 
ture. That is, indeed, the reason why I have been 
mentioning former events, not for the purpose of giv- 
ing a list of national calamities which ought never to 
have occurred, but that by exhibiting them I might 
persuade you to preserve at least what is left. This 
is the only benefit one can derive from evils, — to guard 


-31 — 


against ever again enduring anything similar. This B. c. 44 
is most within your power at the present moment, 
while the danger is just beginning, while not many 
have yet united, and those who are unruly have gained 
no advantage over one another nor suffered any set- 
back, so that by hope of superiority or anger at infe- 
riority they are led to enter danger heedlessly and 
contrary to their own interests. Still, in this great 
work you will be successful without undergoing any 
toil or danger, without spending money or ordering 
murders, but simply by voting just this, that no malice 
shall be borne on the part of any. Even if any errors —32 — 
have been committed by certain persons, this is not a 
time to enquire carefully into them, nor to convict, 
nor to punish. You are not at the moment sitting in 
judgment over any one, that you should need to search 
out what is just with absolute accuracy, but you are 
deliberating about the situation that has arisen and 
how the ecxcitement may in the safest way be allayed. 
This is something we could not bring about, unless 
we should overlook some few things, as we are wont to 
do in the case of children. When dealing with them 
we do not take all matters carefully into account, and 
many things we of necessity overlook. For venial 
sins it is not right to chastise them remorselessly, but 
rather to admonish them gently. And now, since we 
are not only named fathers of all the people in com- 
mon, but are in reality such, let us not enter into a 
discussion of all the fine points, lest we all incur ruin; 
for anybody could find much fault with Caesar him- 
voL. 2.-28 433 


B. c. 44 self so that he would seem to have been justly slain^ 
or again might bring heavy charges against those that 
killed him, so that they would be thought to deserve 
punishment. But such action is for men who are 
anxious to arouse seditions again. It is the task of 
those who deliberate rightly not to cause their own 
hurt by meting out exact justice, but to win preserva- 
tion by a use at the same time of clemency. Accord- 
ingly, think of this that has happened as if it had been 
a kind of hail storm or deluge that had taken place 
and give it to forgetfulness. Now, if never before, 
gain a knowledge of one another, since you are coun- 
trymen and citizens and relatives, and secure harmony. 

—33— " Now, that none of you may suspect that I wish to 
grant any indulgence to Caesar's assassins to prevent 
their paying the penalty, just because I was once a 
member of Pompey's party, I will state one fact to 
you. I think that all of you are firmly of the opinion 
that I have never adopted an attitude of friendship 
or hostility toward any one for purely personal rea- 
sons, but it was always for your sake and for the pub- 
lic freedom and harmony that I hated the one class 
and loved the other. For this reason I will pass over 
the rest that might be said, and make merely a brief 
statement to you. I am so far from doing this that 
I mentioned and not looking out for the public safety, 
that I affirm the others, too, should be granted im- 
munity for their high-handed acts, contrary to es- 
tablished law, in Caesar's lifetime, and they ought to 
keep the honors, offices, and gifts which they received 



from him, thougli I am not pleased with some of them. , b. c. 44 

. ,(».«. 710) 

I should not advise you to do or to grant anything 
further of the kind : but since it has been done, I think 
you ought not to be troubled overmuch about any of 
these matters. For what loss so far-reaching could 
you sustain if A or B holds something that he has ob- 
tained outside of just channels and contrary to his 
deserts as the benefit you could attain by not causing 
fear or disturbance to men who were formerly of 

' ' This is what I have to say for the present, in the 
face of pressing need. When feeling has subsided, 
let us then consider any remaining subjects of 

Cicero by the foregoing speech persuaded the senate —34— 
to vote that no one should bear malice against any one 
else. While this was being done the assassins also 
promised the soldiers that they would not undo any 
of Csesar's acts. They perceived that the military 
was mightily ill at ease for fear it should be deprived 
of what he had given it, and so they made haste, be- 
fore the senate reached any decision whatever, to an- 
ticipate the others' wishes. Next they invited those 
who were present there down below to come within 
hearing distance, and conversed with them on matters 
of importance; as a result of the conference they sent 
down a letter to the Forum announcing that they 
would take nothing away from anybody nor do harm 
in other ways, and that the validity of all acts of 
Caesar was confirmed. They also urged a state of 



B. c. 44 harmony, binding themselves by the strongest oaths 
that they would be honest in everything. When, there- 
fore, the decisions of the senate also were made known, 
the soldiers no longer held to Lepidus nor did the 
others have any fear of him, but hastened to become 
reconciled, — chiefly at the instance of Antony, — quite 
contrary to his intention. Lepidus, making a pretence 
of vengeance upon Caesar, was anxious to institute a 
revolution and as he had legions at his command he 
expected that he would succeed to his position as ruler 
and gain the mastery; these were his motives in en- 
deavoring to further a conflict. Antony, as he per- 
ceived his rival's favorable situation and had not him- 
self any force at his back, did not dare to adopt any 
revolutionary measures for the time being, and fur- 
thermore he persuaded Lepidus (to prevent his be- 
coming greater) to bow to the will of the majority. 
So they came to terms on the conditions that had 
been voted, but those on the Capitol would not come 
down tm they had secur^ the son of Lepidus and 
the son of Antony to treat as hostages; then Brutus 
descended to Lepidus, to whom he was related, and 
Cassius to Antony, being assured of safety. While 
dining together they naturally, at such a juncture, dis- 
cussed a variety of topics and Antony asked Cassius : 
" Have you perhaps got some kind of dagger under 
your arm even now ? " To which he answered : ' ' Yes, 
and a big one, if you too should desire to play the 

— 35 — This was the way things went at that time. No dam- 
age was inflicted or expected, and the majority were 



glad to be rid of Caesar's rule, some of them even con- b. c. u 

. . , (a. u. 710) 

ceivmg the idea of casting his body out unburied. The 
conspirators well pleased did not undertake any fur- 
ther superfluous tasks and were called " liberators " 
and " tyrranicides." Later his will was read and the 
people learned that he had made Octavius his son and 
heir and had left Antony, Decimus, and some of the 
other assassins to be the young man's guardians and 
inheritors of the property in case it should not come to 
him, and furthermore that he had directed various be- 
quests to be given to different persons, and to the city 
the gardens along the Tiber, as well as thirty denarii 
(according to the record of Octavius himself) or 
seventy-five according to some others, to each of the 
citizens. This news caused an upheaval and Antony 
fanned the flames of their resentment by bringing the 
body most inconsiderately* into the Forum and expos- 
ing it covered with blood as it was and with gaping 
wounds. There he delivered over it a speech, in every 
way beautiful and brilliant but not suited to the state 
of the public mind at that time. His words were about 
as follows : — 

" If this man had died as a private citizen, Quirites, —36 — 
and I had happened to be a private citizen, I should not 
have needed many words nor have rehearsed all his 
achievements, but after making a few remarks about 
his family, his education, and his character, and pos- 
sibly mentioning some of his services to the state, I 
should have been satisfied and should have refrained 

1 It is here, with this word, that one of the two most important 
manuscripts of Dio (the codex Venetus or Marcianus 395) begins. 



B. c. 44 from becoming wearisome to those not related to him. 

{a. u. 710) ° 

But since this man has perished while holding the high- 
est position among you and I have received and hold 
the second, it is requisite that I should deliver a two- 
fold address, one as the man set down as his heir and 
the other in my capacity as magistrate. I must not 
omit anything that ought to be said but speak what 
the whole people would have chanted with one tongue 
if they could have obtained one voice. I am well aware 
that it is difficult to hit your precise sentiments. Es- 
pecially is it no easy task to treat matters of such mag- 
nitude, — what speech could equal the greatness of the 
deeds ? — and you, whose minds are insatiable because 
of the facts that you know already, will not prove 
lenient judges of my efforts. If the speech were being 
made among men ignorant of the subject, it would be 
very easy to content them, for they would be startled 
by such great deeds : but as the matter stands, through 
your familiarity with the events, it is inevitable that 
everything that shall be said will be thought less than 
the reality. Outsiders, even if through jealousy they 
should distrust it, yet for that very reason must deem 
each statement they hear strong enough : but your gath- 
ering, influenced by good-will, must inevitably prove 
impossible to satisfy. You yourselves have profited 
most by Caesar's virtues and you demand his praises 
not half-heartedly, as if he were no relation, but out of 
deep affection as one of your very own. I shall strive 
therefore to meet your wishes to the fullest extent, and 
I feel sure that you will not criticise too closely my 


— 37- 


command of words or conception of the subject, but ^'^ffo^ 
will, out of your kindness of beart, make up whatever is 
lacking in that respect. 

' * I shall speak first about his lineage, though not be- 
cause it is very brilliant. Yet this too has considerable 
bearing on the nature of excellence, that a man should 
have become good not through force of circumstances 
but by inherent power. Those not bom of noble par- 
ents may disguise themselves as honest men but may 
also some day be convicted of their base origin by in- 
nate qualities. Those, however, who possess the seed 
of honesty, descending through a long line of ancestors, 
cannot possibly help having an excellence which is of 
spontaneous growth and permanent. Still, I do not 
now praise Caesar chiefly because he was sprung from 
many noble men of recent times and kings and gods of 
ancient days, but because in the first place he was a 
kinsman of our whole city, — we were founded by the 
men that were his ancestors, — and secondly because he 
not only confirmed the renown of his forefathers who 
were believed by virtue to have attained divinity, but 
actually increased it ; if any person disputed formerly 
the possibility of ^neas ever having been bom of 
Venus, he may now believe it. The gods in past times 
have been reported as possessing some unworthy chil- 
dren, but no one could deem this man unworthy to have 
had gods for his ancestors, ^neas himself became 
king, as likewise some of his descendants. This man 
proved himself so much superior to them that whereas 
they were monarchs of Lavinium and Alba, he refused 



B. c. 44 to become king of Rome ; and whereas they laid the 

(a. u. 710) * ' ■' 

foundation of our city, he raised it to such heights that 
among other services he established colonies greater 
than the cities over which they ruled. 
— 38 — " Such, then, is the state of his family. That he passed 
through a childhood and education corresponding to 
the dignity of his noble birth how could one feel better 
assureji than by the certain proofs that his deeds af- 
ford? When a man possesses conspicuously a body that 
is most enduring and a soul that is most steadfast in 
the face of all contingencies alike of peace and war, is 
it not inevitable that he must have been reared in the 
best possible way? And I tell you it is difiicult for any 
man surpassingly beautiful to show himself most en- 
during, and difficult for one who is strong in body to 
attain greatest prudence, but most difficult of all for the 
same man to shine both in words and in deeds. Now 
this man — I speak among men who know the facts, so 
that I shall not falsify in the least degree, for I should 
be caught in the very act, nor heap up exaggerated 
praises, for then I should obtain the opposite results 
of what I wish. If I do anything of the kind, I shall be 
suspected with the utmost justice of braggadocio, and 
it will be thought that I am making his excellence less 
than the reputation which already exists in your own 
minds. Every utterance delivered under such condi- 
tions, in case it admits even the smallest amount of 
falsehood, not only bestows no praise on its subject 
but defeats its own ends. The knowledge of the hear- 
ers, not agreeing with the fictitious declaration, takes 



refuge in truth, where it quickly finds satisfaction and b. c. 44 
learns as well what the statement ought to have been ; " ' 
and then, comparing the two, detects the difference. 
Stating only the truth, therefore, I afi&rm that this 
Caesar was at the same time most able in body and most 
amiable in spirit. He enjoyed a wonderful natural 
talent and had been scrupulously trained in every kind 
of education, which always enabled him (not unnat- 
urally) to comprehend everything that was needed with 
the greatest keenness, to interpret the need most plau- 
sibly, and to arrange and administer matters most 
prudently. No shifting of a favorable situation could 
come upon him so suddenly as to catch him off his 
guard, nor did a secret delay, no matter how long the 
postponenEient, escape his notice. He decided always 
with regard to every crisis before he came in contact 
with it, and was prepared beforehand for every con- 
tingency that could happen to him. He understood well 
how to discern sharply what was concealed, to dissimu- 
late what was evident in such a way as to inspire confi- 
dence, to pretend to know what was obscure, to conceal 
what he knew, to adapt occasions to one another and to 
give an account of them, and furthermore to accomplish 
and cover successfully in detaU the ground of every 
enterprise. Aproofofthisis that in his private affairs — 39 _; 
he showed himself at once an excellent manager and 
very liberal, being careful to keep permanently what 
he inherited, but lavish in spending with an unsparing 
hand what he gained, and for all his relatives, except 
the most impious, he possessed a strong affection. He 



B. c. 44 (Ji(j not neglect any of them in misfortune, nor did lie 
envy them in good fortune, but lie helped the latter to 
increase their previous property and made up the de- 
ficiencies for the former, giving some money, some 
lands, some offices, some priesthoods. Again, he was 
wonderfully attached to his friends and other associ- 
ates. He never scorned or insulted any one of them, 
but while courteous to all alike he rewarded many times 
over those who assisted him in any project and won 
the devotion of the rest by benefits, not bowing to any 
one of brilliant position, nor humiliating any one who 
was bettering himself, but as if he himself were being 
exalted through all their successes and acquiring 
strength and adornment he took delight in making the 
largest number equal with himself. While he behaved 
thus toward his friends and acquaintances, he did not 
show himself cruel or inexorable even to his enemies, 
but many of those who had come into collision with 
him personally he let off scotfree, and many who had 
actually made war against him he released, giving some 
of them honors and offices. To this degree was he in 
every way inclined to right conduct, and not only had 
no baseness in his own making, but would not believe 
that it was found in anybody else. 

—40— " Since I have reached these statements, I will begin 
to speak about his public services. If he had lived a 
quiet existence, perhaps his excellence would never 
have come to light ; but as it was, by being raised to the 
highest position and becoming the greatest not only of 
his contemporaries but of all the rest who had ever 
wielded any influence, he displayed it more conspicu- 
ously. For nearly all his predecessors this supreme 



aiitliority had served only to reveal their defects, but b. c. 44 
him it made more Imninous : through the greatness of 
his excellence he undertook correspondingly great 
deeds, and was found to be a match for them ; he alone 
of men after obtaining for himself so great good for- 
tune as a result of true worth neither disgraced it nor 
treated it wantonly. The brilliant successes which he 
regularly achieved on his campaigns and the highmind- 
edness he showed in everyday duties I shall pass over, 
although they are so great that for any other man they 
would constitute sufficient praise : but in view of the dis- 
tinction of his subsequent deeds, I shall seem to be 
dealing with small matters, if I rehearse them all with 
exactness. I shall only mention his achievements while 
ruling over you. Even all of these, however, I shall 
not relate with minute scrupulousness. I could not 
possibly give them adequate treatment, and I should 
cause you excessive weariness, particularly since you 
already know them. 

' ' First of all, this man was praetor in Spain, and find- — 4i — 
ing it secretly hostile did not allow the inhabitants un- 
der the protection of the name of peace to develop into 
foes, nor chose to spend the period of his governor- 
ship in quiet rather than to effect what was for the ad- 
vantage of the nation; hence, since they would not 
agree to alter their sentiments, he brought them to their 
senses without their consent, and in domg so so far 
surpassed the men who had previously won glory 
against them as keeping a thing is more difficult than 
acquiring it, and reducing men to a condition where 
they can never again become rebellious is more profit- 
able than rendering them subject in the first place, 



B. C.44 while their power is still undiminished. That is the 

(tti «. 710) 

reason that you voted him a triumph for this and gave 
him at once the office of consul. As a result of your 
decree it became most plainly evident that he had 
waged that war not for his own desires or glory, but 
was preparing for the future. The celebration of the 
triumph he waived on account of pressing business, 
and after thanking you for the honor he was satisfied 
with merely that to secure his glory, and entered upon 
— 42— the consulship. Now all his administrative acts in this 
city during the discharge of that office would be verily 
countless to name. And as soon as he had left it and 
been sent to conduct war against the Gauls, notice how 
many and how great were his achievements there. So 
far from causing grievances to the allies he even went 
to their assistance, because he was not suspicious at all 
of them and further saw that they were wronged. But 
his foes, both those dwelling near the friendly tribes, 
and all the rest that inhabited Gaul he subjugated, ac- 
quiring at one time vast stretches of territory and at 
another unnumbered cities of which we knew not even 
the names before. All this, moreover, he accomplished 
so quickly, though he had received neither a competent 
force noK sufficient money from you, that before any of 
you knew that he was at war he had conquered; and he 
settled affairs on such a firm basis and^ . . ., that 
as a result Celtica and Britain felt his footstep. And 
now is that Gaul enslaved which sent against us the 
Ambrones and the Cimbri, and is entirely cultivated 
like Italy itself. Ships traverse not only the Ehone or 

iMost editors have gotten over the difficulty of this "and" in the 
MS. by omitting it. Dindorf, however, believed it to indicate a real gap^ 



tiie Arar, but the Mosa, the Liger, the very Ehine, and b. c. 44 
the very ocean. Places of which we had not even heard 
the titles to lead us to think that they existed were like- 
wise subdued for us : the formerly unknown he made 
accessible, the formerly unexplored navigable by his 
greatness of purpose and greatness of accomplishment. 
And had not certain persons out of envy formed a fac- —43 — 
tion against him, or rather us, and forced him to return 
here before the proper time, he would certainly have 
subdued Britain entire together with the remaining 
islands surrounding it and all of Celtica to the Arctic 
Ocean, so that we should have had as borders not land 
or people for the future, but air and the outer sea. 
For these reasons you also, seeing the greatness of his 
mind and his deeds and good fortune, assigned him the 
right to hold office a very long time, — a privilege which, 
from the hour that we became a democracy has be- 
longed to no other man, — I mean holding the leader- 
ship during eight whole years in succession. This 
shows that you thought him to be really winning all 
those conquests for you and never entertained the sus- 
picion that he would strengthen himself to your hurt. 

" No, you desired that he should spend in those re- 
gions as long a time as possible. He was prevented, 
however, by those who regarded the government as no 
longer a public but their own private possession, from 
subjugating the remaining countries, and you were kept 
from becoming lords of them all ; these men, making an 
ill use of the opportunity given them by his being occu- 
pied, ventured upon many impious projects, so that you 
came to require his aid. Therefore abandoning the vie- —44— 
tories within his grasp he quickly brought you assist- 



B. c. 44 ance, freed all Italy from tlie dangers in wMch it had be- 

(a. u. 710) ' . '' ° 

come involved, and furthermore won back Spain which 
had been estranged. Then he saw Pompey, who had aban- 
doned his fatherland and was setting up a kingdom of 
his own in Macedonia, transferring thither all your pos- 
sessions, equipping your subjects against you, and using 
against you money of your own. So at first he wished 
to persuade Pompey somehow to stop and change his 
course and receive the greatest pledges that he should 
again attain a fair and equal position with him ; and he 
sent to him both privately and publicly. When, however, 
he found himself unable in any way to effect this, but 
Pompey burst all restraints, even the relationship that 
had existed between himself and Csesarj and chose to 
fight against you, then at last he was compelled to begin 
a civil war. And what need is there of telling how 
daringly he sailed against him in spite of the winter, or 
how boldly he assailed him, though Pompey held all the 
strong positions there, or how bravely he vanquished 
him though much inferior in number of soldiers? If 
a man wished to examine each feature in detail, he 
might show the renowned Pompey to have been a child, 
so completely was he outgeneraled at every point. 
— 45— " But this 'I will omit, for Csesar himself likewise 
never took any pride in it, but he accepted it as a dispen- 
sation of destiny, repugnant to him personally. When 
Heaven had most justly decided the issue of the battle, 
what man of those then captured for the first time did he 
put to death? Whom, rather, did he not honor, not alone 
senators or knights or citizens in general, but also allies 



and subjects? No one of them either died a violent b. c. 44 

(a. u, 710) 
deatn, or was made defendant in court, no individual, 

no king, no tribe, no city. On the contrary, some ar- 
rayed themselves on his side, and others at least ob- 
tained immunity with honor, so that then all lamented 
the men that had been lost. Such exceeding humanity 
did he show, that he praised those who had cooperated 
with Pompey and allowed them to keep everything the 
latter had given them, but hated Pharnaces and Orodes, 
because though friends of the vanquished they had not 
assisted him. It was chiefly for this reason that he not 
long after waged war on Pharnaces, and was preparing 
to conduct a campaign against Orodes. He certainly 
[would have spared] even [Pompey himself if] he had 
captured him alive.* A proof of this is that he did not 
pursue him at once, but allowed him to flee at his 
leisure. Also he was grieved to hear of Pompey 's 
death and did not praise his murderers, but put them to 
death for it soon after, and even destroyed besides 
Ptolemy himself, though a chUd, because he had allowed 
his benefactor to perish. 

' ' How after this he brought Egypt to terms and how — 46 — 
much money he conveyed to you from there it would be 
superfluous to relate. And when he made his campaign 
against Pharnaces, who already held considerable of 
Pontus and Armenia, he was on the same day reported 
to the rebel as approaching him, was seen confronting 
him, engaged in conflict with him, and conquered him. 

1 The words in brackets are Reiske's conjecture for filling the gap 
in the MS. Other editors use slightly different phraseology of like 



B. c. 44 This better than anything else established the truth of 
the assertion that he had not become weaker in Alexan- 
dria and had not delayed there out of voluptuousness. 
For how could he have won that victory so easily with- 
out employing a great store of insight and great force? 
When now Pharnaces had fled he was preparing to con- 
duct a campaign at once against the Parthian, but as 
certain quarrels were taking place there he withdrew 
rather unwillingly, but settled this dispute, too, so that 
no one would believe there had been a disturbance. Not 
a soul was killed or exiled or even dishonored in any 
way as a result of that trouble, not because many might 
not justly have been punished, but because he thought it 
right while destroying enemies unsparingly to preserve 
citizens, even if they were poor stuff. Therefore by his 
bravery he overcame foreigners in war, but out of his 
humanity kept unharmed the seditious citizens, al- 
though many of them by their acts had often shown 
themselves unworthy of this favor. This same policy 
he followed again both in Africa and in Spain, releas- 
ing all who had not before been captured and been made 
recipients of his mercy. To grant their lives invariably 
to such as frequently plotted against him he deemed 
folly, not hmnanity. On the other hand, he thought it 
quite the duty of a manly man to pardon opponents on 
the occasion of their first errors and not to keep an in- 
exorable anger, yes, and to assign honors to them, but if 
they clung to their original course, to get rid of them. 
Yet why did I say this? Many of them also he pre- 
served by allowing all his associates and those who had 
helped him conquer to save, one each, the life of a cap- 



" Moreover, that he did all this from inherent excel- —47 — 
lence and not from pretence or to gather any advan- (a. "«. 710) 
tage, as others in large numbers have displayed hu- 
maneness, the greatest evidence is that everywhere and 
under all circumstances he showed himself the same : 
anger did not brutalize him nor good fortune corrupt 
him; power did not alter, nor authority change him. 
Yet it is very difficult when tested in so many enter- 
prises of such a scope and following one another in 
quick succession at a time when one has been successful 
in some, is still engaged in conducting others, and only 
suspects the existence of others, to prove equally effi- 
cient on all occasions and to refrain from wishing to 
do anything harsh or frightful, if not out of vengeance 
for the past, at least as a measure of safeguard for the 
future. This, then, is enough to prove his excellence. 
He was so truly a scion of gods that he understood but 
one thing, to save those that could be saved. But if 
you want more evidence, it lies in this, that he took care 
to have those who warred against him chastised by no 
other hands than his own, and that he won back those 
who in former times had slipped away. He had am- 
nesty granted to all who had been followers of Lepidus 
and Sertorius, and next arranged that safety should 
be afforded all the survivors among those proscribed 
by Sulla; somewhat later he brought them home from 
exile and bestowed honors and offices upon the children 
of all who had been slain by that tyrant. Greatest of 
all, he burned absolutely every one of the letters con- 
taming secret information that was found in the tent of 
either Pompey or Scipio, not reading or noticing any I 
portion of them, in order that no one else might derive 
VOL. 2.-29 449 

— 48 — 


B. c. 44 from them the power to play the rogue. That this was 
not only what he said, but what he did, his acts show 
clearly. No one as a result of those letters was even 
frightened, let alone suffering any great calamity. And 
no one knows those who escaped this danger except 
the men themselves. This is most astonishing and has 
nothing to surpass it, that they were spared before 
being accused, and saved before encountering danger, 
and that not even he who saved their lives learned who 
it was he pitied. 

" For these and aU his other acts of lawmaking and 
reconstruction, great in themselves, but likely to be 
deemed small in comparison with those others into 
which one cannot enter minutely, you loved him as 
a father and cherished him as a benefactor, you glo- 
rified him with such honors as you bestowed on no one 
else and desired him to be continual head of the city 
and of the whole domain. You did not dispute at all 
about titles, but applied them all to him as being still 
less than his merits, with the purpose that whatever 
was lacking in each one of them, of what was consid- 
ered a proper expression of the most complete honor 
and authority might be made up by what the rest con- 
tributed. Therefore, as regards the gods he was ap- 
pointed high priest, as regards us consul, as regards 
the soldiers imperator, and as regards the enemy dic- 
tator. But why do I enumerate these details, when in 
one phrase you called him father of his country, — not 
to mention the rest of his titles'? 
49— " Yet this father, this high priest, this inviolable be- 



ing, hero, god, is dead, alas, dead not by the violence of b. c. u 

. -, {a. u. 710) 

some disease, nor exhausted by old age, nor wounded 
abroad somewhere in some war, nor snatched away 
irresistibly by some supernatural force: but plotted 
against here within the walls — the man that safely 
led an army into Britain; ambushed in this city — 
the man who had increased its circuit; struck down 
in the senate-house — the man. that had reared another 
such edifice at his own charge; unarmed the brave 
warrior; defenceless the promoter of peace; the judge 
beside the court of justice; the governor beside the 
seat of government; at the hands of the citizens — 
he whom none of the enemy had been able to kill 
even when he fell into the sea; at the hands of his 
comrades — he who had often taken pity on them. 
Where, Caesar, was your humaneness, where your in- 
violability, where the laws? You enacted many laws 
to prevent any one's being killed by personal foes, yet 
see how mercilessly your friends killed you, and now 
slain you lie before us in that Forum through which 
you often crowned led triumphal marches, wounded 
unto death you have been cast down upon that rostra 
from which you often addressed the people. Woe for 
the blood-bespattered locks of gray, alas for the rent 
robe, which you assumed, it seems, only to the end that 
you might be slain in it!" 

At this deliverance of Antony's the throng was at —50— 
first excited, then enraged, and finally so inflamed with 
passion that they sought his murderers and reproached 
the senators besides, because the former had killed 



B. c. 44 and the latter had beheld without protest the death of a 

(a. «. 710) ^ 

man m whose behalf they had voted to offer yearly 
prayers, by whose Health and Fortune they took oaths, 
and whom they had made sacrosanct equally with the 
tribimes. Then, seizing his body, some wished to convey 
it to the room in which he had been slaughtered, and 
others to the Capitol and to bum it there : but being 
prevented by the soldiers, who feared that the theatres 
and temples would be burned to the ground at the 
same time, they placed it upon a pyre there in the 
Forum, just as they were. Even under these circum,'- 
stances many of the surrounding buildings would! 
have been destroyed, had not the soldiers presented an 
obstacle, and some of the bolder spirits the consuls 
forced over the cliffs of the Capitol. For all that the 
remainder did not cease their disturbance, but rushed 
to the houses of the murderers, and during the excite- 
ment they killed without reason Helvius Cinna, a trib- 
une, and some others; this man had not only not 
plotted against Cassar, but was one of his most devoted 
friends. Their error was due to the fact that Cornelius 
— 51— Cinna the praetor had a share in the attack. After this 
the consuls forbade any one outside the ranks of sol- 
diers to carry arms. They accordingly refrained from 
assassinations, but set up a kind of altar on the site of 
the pyre — his bones the freedmen had previously taken 
up and deposited in the ancestral tomb — and undertook 
to sacrifice upon it and offer victims to Caesar, as to a 
god. This the consuls overturned and punished some 
who showed displeasure at the act, also publishing a 



law that no one should ever again be dictator. In fact b. c. u 
they invoked curses and proclaimed death as the pen- 
alty upon any man who should propose or support such 
a measure, and furthermore they fined the present mal- 
contents directly. In making this provision for the 
future they seemed to assume that the shamefulness of 
the deeds consisted in the names, whereas these oc- 
currences really arose from the supremacy of arms and 
the character of each individual, and degraded the titles 
of authority in whatever capacity exercised. For the 
time being they despatched immediately to the colonies 
such as held allotments of land previously assigned by 
Caesar ; this was from fear that they might cause some 
disturbance. Of Caesar's slayers they sent out some, 
who had obtained governorships, to the provinces, and 
the rest to various different places on one pretext or 
another : and these persons were honored by many per- 
sons as benefactors. 

In this way Caesar disappeared from the scene. Inas- — 58 — 
much as he had been slain in Pompey's edifice and near 
his statue which at that time stood there, he seemed in 
a way to have afforded his rival his revenge; and this 
idea gained ground from the fact that tremendousi 
thunder and a furious rain occurred. In the midst of 
that excitement there also took place the following in- 
cident, not unworthy of mention. One Gaius Casca, 
a tribime, seeing that Ciana had perished as a result 
of his name being similar to the praetor's, and fearing 
that he too might be kUled, because Publius Servilius 
Casca was one of the tribunes and also one of the assas- 



B. c. 44 sins, issued a book wMcli showed that they had in corn- 
la. u. 710) '' 

mon only one and the same name and pointed out their 
difference of disposition. Neither of them suffered 
any harm (for Servilius was strongly guarded) and 
Gains won some consideratioUj so that he is remem- 
bered by this act. 
— 53 — These were the proceedings, at that time, of the con- 
suls and the rest. Dolabella was invested with his office 
by Antony, who feared that he might cause a sedition, 
although he was at first not disposed to take such ac- 
tion, on the ground that Dolabella had not yet the right 
to it. "When, however, the excitement subsided, and An- 
tony himself was charged with investigating the acts of 
Caesar's administration and carrying out all the latter 's 
behests, he no longer kept within bounds. As soon as 
he had got hold of the dead man's documents, he made 
many erasures, and many substitutions, — inserting 
laws as well as other matter. Moreover, he deprived 
some of money and offices, which in turn he gave to 
others, pretending that in so doing he was carrying out 
Caesar's directions. Next he made many seizures on 
the spot, and collected large sums of money from in- 
dividuals, peoples and kings, selling to some land, to 
others liberty, to others citizenships, to others exemp- 
tion from taxes. This was done in spite of the fact that 
the senate at first had voted that no tablet should be set 
up on account of any contract that Caesar had made 
(all such transactions were inscribed on bronze tablets), 
and later, when Antony persisted, declaring that many 
urgent matters had been provided for by his chief, it 



had ordered that all the foremost citizens should join in 
passing upon them. He, however, paid no attention to 
this, and had an utter contempt for Octavius, who as a 
stripling and inexperienced in business had declined 
the inheritance because it was troublesome and hard to 
manage : and Antony himself, assuming to be the heir 
not only of the property but also of the supremacy of 
Caesar, managed everything. One of his acts was to re- 
store some exiles. And siace Lepidus had great power 
and caused him considerable fear, he gave his daughter 
in marriage to this leader's son and made arrange- 
ments to have the latter appointed high priest, so as to 
prevent any meddling with enterprises which he had on 
foot. In order to carry out this plan with greater ease, 
he diverted the choice of high priest from the people 
back to the priests, and in company with the latter he 
consecrated him, performing few or none of the ac- 
customed rites, though he might have secured the 
priesthood for himself. 

B. C. 44 

(a. u. 710)